training bubut di Cirebon Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung training bubut di Cirebon

training bubut di Cirebon Mesin CNC sekarang banyak digunakan dalam industri permesinan training bubut di Cirebon untuk memproduksi komponen dengan tingkat kerumitan dan presisi yang tinggi. Selain itu, mesin CNC mempunyai konsistensi yang lebih efektif untuk pengerjaan dalam jumlah banyak. Penggunaan mesin konvensional dalam proses pemotongan, pengeboran dan proses permesinan lainnya, tentu saja memberikan hasil yang tidak presisi dan memerlukan waktu cukup lama dikarenakan hasil produksi akan tergantung dari kemampuan operator dalam melakukan proses tersebut. Banyak produk-produk yang dihasilkan dengan mesin CNC ini, mulai dari peralatan rumah tangga, training bubut di Cirebon kendaraan bermotor sampai pesawat terbang sekalipun menggunakan teknologi ini. training bubut di Cirebon

training bubut di Cirebon

saco-indonesia.com, Apa Saja Penyebab Kanker Kulit? Kanker kulit juga merupakan pertumbuhan sel-sel pada kulit manusia yan

saco-indonesia.com,

Apa Saja Penyebab Kanker Kulit?

Kanker kulit juga merupakan pertumbuhan sel-sel pada kulit manusia yang sudah pada taraf abnormal. Apa saja faktor penyebab kanker kulit? Sampai sekarang para peneliti juga belum dapat memastikan apa yang sebenarnya penyebab kanker kulit secara akurat. Tetapi ada beberapa hal yang sangat disarankan untuk dapat dihindari agar bisa terlepas dari yang namanya penyakit kanker kulit ini. Kanker kulit sendiri telah dibedakan berdasarkan tingkat keganasan kankernya. Oleh sebab itu selagi masih bisa sebaiknya kita harus menghindari kanker kulit dengan mempelajari faktor-faktor yang bisa dapat menimbulkan penyakit ini.

    Faktor Usia Sebagai Penyebab Kanker Kulit

Jika yang satu ini memang telah tidak bisa dihindari lagi, karena juga sudah kodrat manusia akan memasuki masa tua. Pada umur 60 tahun keatas kita akan rentan untuk diserang penyakit kanker kulit.

    Rokok dan Tembakau Penyebab Kanker Kulit

Asap yang keluar dari rokok dan dihirup oleh tubuh kita berpeluang besar sebagai dampak timbulnya kanker kulit. Bukan hanya pecandu rokok itu saja yang dapat berpeluang terjangkit penyakit ini, tetapi orang sekitar yang ikut menghirup asap rokok juga dapat berpeluang besar terkena kanker kulit.

    Sinar Matahari Penyebab Kanker Kulit

Sinar matahari memang telah mengandung vitamin yang berguna bagi kulit kita. Hal ini juga akan berbeda jika kita berbicara mengenai sinar matahari pada siang hari. Kandungan ultraviolet pada siang hari diyakini akan bisa mengakibatkan kanker kulit.

    Bahan Kimia Penyebab Kanker Kulit

Penyalahgunaan bahan kimia yang telah dimasukkan didalam makanan bisa dapat menyebabkan kanker kulit. Contohnya saja yang sering kita temukan adalah penggunaan bahan kimia sebagai pengawet makanan.

    Bakteri dan Virus Penyebab Kanker Kulit

Bakteri ataupun virus juga merupakan salah satu penyumbang terbesar timbulnya kanker kulit. Jadi disarankan untuk selalu menjaga kebersihan lingkungan dan juga kebersihan badan kita. Sering gonta ganti pasangan berpeluang besar untuk mendatangkan virus masuk kedalam tubuh kita.

    Faktor Keturunan Penyebab Kanker Kulit

Hal ini juga masih dalam perkiraan saja, dimana kanker kulit bisa dapat terjadi karena faktor keturunan. Karena menurut penelitian dari penderita kanker kulit diketahui bahwa ternyata mereka mempunyai orang tua dengan riwayat yang sama juga.

Apa saja faktor penyebab kanker kulit? Tentunya uraian diatas sudah bisa dapat memberikan gambaran yang cukup jelas mengenai faktor yang bisa mendatangkan kanker kulit. Paling tidak kita sudah bisa memproteksi diri sedini mungkin agar dapat terhindar dari penyakit mematikan ini.
    

Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Meski masih berstatus awas di radius 10 kilometer, aktivitas Gunung Kelud pada 00.00 dinihari WIB hingga 06.

saco-indonesia.com, Meski masih berstatus awas di radius 10 kilometer, aktivitas Gunung Kelud pada 00.00 dinihari WIB hingga 06.00 pagi WIB, hari ini (18/2), telah terpantau normal. Namun, potensi lahar dingin masih telah menjadi ancaman bagi warga yang berada di sekitar bantaran sungai.

Dari pantauan Pos Pantau Gunung Kelud di Desa Sugihwaras, Dusun Margomulyo, Kecamatan Ngancar, Kabupaten Kediri, Jawa Timur, kondisi cuaca di atas gunung setinggi 1.731 mdpl dari permukaan air laut itu, berawan. Sedangkan embusan angin bertiup ke arah selatan. Suhu telah terpantau berkisar 19 hingga 21 derajat celsius dengan kelembapan udara 29 persen.

Untuk kegempaan, kata Kepala Pos Pantau Gunung Kelud di Desa Sugihwaras, Khoirul Huda, aktivitas tremor-nya telah terpantau berkekuatan 0,5 hingga 1 milimeter, amplitudo maksimal 0,5 hingga 1, kemudian satu kali gempa tektonik dan satu kali tektonik jauh.

"Meski aktivitas gunung terpantau normal, status Kelud masih awas. Sehingga, semua aktivitas di radius 10 kilometer masih tetap harus dikosongkan," terang Khoirul di Pos Pantau Gunung Kelud, Selasa (18/2).

Dia juga telah mengungkap, potensi ancaman lahar dingin pasca-erupsi Kelud, Kamis malam lalu, bisa terjadi di 28 sungai yang berada di wilayah Kabupaten Blitar dan enam sungai di Kabupaten Kediri.

"Ada banyak aliran sungai di Gunung Kelud, yang telah menjadi aliran lahar dingin. Hanya kita mengimbau kepada masyarakat di sepanjang bantaran sungai untuk tetap waspada jika melihat awan gelap di atas Kelud. Warga yang beraktivitas di bantaran sungai, harus mewaspadai awan gelap yang berpotensi bahaya lahar dingin," tandas dia mengimbau.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

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