Belajar Mesin CNC Murah di Cinambo Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Belajar Mesin CNC Murah di Cinambo Bandung Mesin CNC sekarang banyak digunakan dalam industri permesinan kursus mesin cnc di Bekasi untuk memproduksi komponen dengan tingkat kerumitan dan presisi yang tinggi. Selain itu, mesin CNC mempunyai konsistensi yang lebih efektif untuk pengerjaan dalam jumlah banyak. Penggunaan mesin konvensional dalam proses pemotongan, pengeboran dan proses permesinan lainnya, tentu saja memberikan hasil yang tidak presisi dan memerlukan waktu cukup lama dikarenakan hasil produksi akan tergantung dari kemampuan operator dalam melakukan proses tersebut. Banyak produk-produk yang dihasilkan dengan mesin CNC ini, mulai dari peralatan rumah tangga,kendaraan bermotor sampai pesawat terbang sekalipun menggunakan teknologi ini Belajar Mesin CNC Murah di Cinambo Bandung

Belajar Mesin CNC Murah di Cinambo Bandung

saco-indonesia.com, Peristiwa yang menggelikan sekaligus miris telah dialami oleh salah satu bus Transjakarta dengan pelat nomor

saco-indonesia.com, Peristiwa yang menggelikan sekaligus miris telah dialami oleh salah satu bus Transjakarta dengan pelat nomor B 7489 IX yang telah melayani penumpang di koridor IV Pulogadung-Dukuh Atas. Ban belakang kiri bus tiba-tiba copot saat melintas di kawasan Matraman, Jakarta Timur.

Brakk... sepasang ban belakang kiri bus dengan nomor JT-039 itu terlepas dari as roda belakang. Ban juga sempat menggelinding sejauh 10 meter. Mobil yang dibawa oleh pramudi perempuan bernama Nunung itu mogok tak jauh dari flyover Matraman arah Manggarai, Rabu (26/12) .

"Saat dari pangkalan, memang sudah terasa tidak enak di bagian belakang. Tapi saya bawa saja," kata Nunung.

Perasaan Nunung telah terbukti, saat ban belakang bagian kiri itu terlepas. "Tadi penumpang sedikit," ujarnya.

Para penumpang yang sempat panik pun kemudian telah dipindahkan ke bus lainnya untuk dapat melanjutkan perjalanan. Lokasi copot ban itu berjarak 500 meter dari Halte Matraman.

Teknisi dari PT Trans Metropolitan kemudian memperbaiki as roda dan memasang kembali ban yang copot.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Jasa kirim barang murah domestik di Indonesia sudah semakin berkembang dengan meningkatnya perekonomian, bisnis, industry di Ind

Jasa kirim barang murah domestik di Indonesia sudah semakin berkembang dengan meningkatnya perekonomian, bisnis, industry di Indonesia  yang pada akhirnya setiap perusahaan yang sedang berkembang sudah pasti membutuhkan

mitra untuk kebutuhan jasa kirim barangnya.

Sehingga turut pula efeknya terhadap perusahaan jasa pengiriman yang banyak membuka layanan jasanya dengan berbagai service layanan  dan harga yang bersaing untuk di tawarkan kepada perusahaan yang membutuhkan layanan jasa pengiriman, pada akhirnya perusahaan yang membutuhkan

jasa pengiriman barang murah

layanan jasa pengiriman mendapatkan banyak pilihan untuk jasa kirim barang yang murah yang sesuai dengan yang di inginkan perusahan tersebut.

Saat ini Perusahaan jasa pengiriman atau perusahaan jasa angkutan barang atau Expedisi barang yang ada saat ini mulai mampu dan sudah banyak yang bisa menangani berbagai layanan jasa kirim barang dari tempat pengambilan barang sampai dengan tujuan kirim barang yang di inginkan perusahaan pemakai  jasa tersebut. Ada beberapa layanan yang di jasa kirim barang murah domestiktawarkan perusahan  jasa antara lain pengiriman kargo biasa, pengiriman mobil, pengiriman motor, serta pengiriman barang pindahan yang prosesnya dilakukan mulai dari pengambilan barang lalu proses pengepakan, pengukuran dan perhitungan barang dan sebagainya, dan juga pengiriman dokumen dalam kota ( city courier ) maupun antar propinsi.

Dalam memilih perusahaan jasa kirim barang yang menawarkan dengan layanan harga murah, perusahaan harus juga memilih yang berkualitas dan terpercaya karena apabila hanya mencari jasa pengiriman yang memiliki tarif yang murah saja, tetapi dalapm proses pengiriman telah mengalami kerusakan apalagi mengalami kehilangan barang akan memberikan dampak kerugian terhadap perusahaan pengguna layan jasa tersebut.

Oleh karena itu pililah perusahaan jasa pengiriman yang memiliki tanggung jawab terhadap layanannya dan tepat waktu dalam pengiriman serta memiliki costomer service yang berkualitas dalam melayani pelanggannya dalam informasi status kirim barangnya.

Frontline  An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.
Frontline

Frontline An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.

The program traces the outbreak to its origin, thought to be a tree full of bats in Guinea.

Review: ‘9-Man’ Is More Than a Game for Chinese-Americans

A variation of volleyball with nine men on each side is profiled Tuesday night on the World Channel in an absorbing documentary called “9-Man.”

Television

‘Hard Earned’ Documents the Plight of the Working Poor

“Hard Earned,” an Al Jazeera America series, follows five working-class families scrambling to stay ahead on limited incomes.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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