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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Balong Gede Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Regol Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Regol Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Manjahlega Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Mekar Mulya Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Darwati Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Darwati Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cipamokolan Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Rancasari Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Mekarmulya Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cipadung Wetan Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cipadung Wetan Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cipadung Wetan Bandung

Sebelum terlambat tua, mencegah ingatan pelupa dengan diet mediterania Lebih baik ! Penelitian tersebut diikuti 17 ribu peser

Sebelum terlambat tua, mencegah ingatan pelupa dengan diet mediterania Lebih baik !

Penelitian tersebut diikuti 17 ribu peserta dari 11 negara bagian di Amerika Serikat, antara lain Tennesse. Para peserta rata-rata berumur di atas 64 tahun.
Pola makan yang baik itu 4 sehat 5 sempurna dapat mencegah pikun!

Sumber :

Sungguahpun kapado angku,ampun diminta kapado Allah,maaf dipinto bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah,iyo juo bak pituah ra

Sungguahpun kapado angku,ampun diminta kapado Allah,maaf dipinto bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah,iyo juo bak pituah rang tuo, kok tasabuik ambo di nan senteang nak dibilai kok kurang nak ditukuak.jikok nyo salah minta diasak ka nan bana,sipi nak dikatangahkan,kok tasabuik di nan bukan minta diasak ka nan iyo.kok lah iyo nan dalam pariyokan angku2 nan baduo batigo. sambah ambo sambah baririk diparirikan diateh rumah gadang nangko. pulang pasambahan bakeh ipa bisan kami.manyo ipa bisan kami. aratinyo lah pituah di nan tuo, sajak samulo rantiang bapatah , sumue bakali,aie basauak,pangulu badiri dalam nagari.jalan duo nan baturuik kato duo nan bapakai. kk dikaji jalan nan duo, partamu jalan adaik kaduo jalan syarak. mangaji kito sapanjang jalan adaik iyolah babarih babalabeh bacupak bagantang, basuri batauladan,bajanjang naiak batango turun. magaji kito sapanjang jalan syarak iyolah mangatahui iman,islam,tauhid,makrifah,sah jo bata,halal jo haram,sunaik jo paradu,haruih jo mukaruah. manyo kato nan duo,partamu kato buek,kaduo kato pusako. buek bana kadipakai pusako bana ka dirunggusi. lampisan kaji dalam nantun,nan lazim nyenyo adaik,nan bana nyenyo syarak,nan laku nyenyo kitabullah. balampsan pulo kaji dalam nantun, bak pituah adih malayu;urang arih mangarek kuku,dikarek jo pisau sirauk,sirauik parauik batuangtuo.tuonyo elok kalantai. adaik nagari babilang suku,suku bablilang buah paruik,itulah barih nan bapahek ,ico nan bapakai. mangko dinamokan urang nan salapan indu. nagari dibari barajo,luhak di bari bapangulu. guno nagari dibari barajo;sakik bakeh maimbaukan ,mati bakeh marapuikan. guno luhak bari barajo;pai bakeh mangadu,pulang tampek babarito. diateh gadang babingkah tanah basa balingkuang aue,supayo a itu,supayo nak maharuihkan sumando manyumando dari suku lain ka bagadang lain. di nan bak sakarang nangko,lah tumbuah sumando saparti wak kami kabagadang nanko. sumando nangko balarauh pulo tantangannyo. a nyo nan manjadi larauhnyo,pihak nan tadaulu alah,nan takamudian lay. dipiihak nan tadaulu alah,baiak sahari duo hari,sapakan duo pakan,alah babulan bataun lambek maso nyo. dek Allah ta'ala mantakadiekan.lah manaruah baliau anak sikabaikan. anak si kabaikkan ko duo pulo wajah nan dikanduang nyo. partamu anak sikabaikan silaki laki,kaduo anak sikabaikan si parampuan. bagombak limo. kaganti cincin dikalngkiang kaganti ameh dalam puro, pamenan ibu jo baponyo,cahayo kampuang jo hilaman. paga nagari sumarak tapian.kok tingginyo lah bak ditambak,gadangnyo lah bak di anjuang itulah manko diambiak sariak drancuang talang,talang bak raso kabaungo. dari ketek di nanti gadang,gadang lah tau ereang jo gendeang,lah tau malu j raso ,tau di raso jo pareso,lah tau di manih aie tabu,tau dipakek tangguli. tau mamahek jo maukie,tau dirancak ragi bungo.tau di awa jo akie pakarajaan nangko, iyo lah biaso nan kadijapuik ka dijangkau urang nan kamamakai nan sapanjang adaik. tumbuah di anak sikabaikan si parampuan baitupulolah tantangannyo, ketek dibaok kasumue,di aja mandi,di asok ,di asuah,dibari makan,dibari baambuik panjang. kaganti cincin dikalngkiang kaganti ameh dalam puro, pamenan ibu jo baponyo,cahayo kampuang jo hilaman. limpapeh rumah gadang. kok tingginyo lah bak ditambak,gadangnyo lah bak di anjuang itulah manko diambiak sariak drancuang talang,talang bak raso kabaungo. dari ketek di nanti gadang,gadang lah tau ereang jo gendeang,lah tau malu j raso ,tau di raso jo pareso, tau di awa jo akie pakarajaan nangko. iyo lah nan biaso kadijauikan kadijangkaukan urang nan kamandirikan nan sapanjang adaik. di nan bak sakarang nangko,lah tumbuah dikami anak sikabaikan si aki laki. iyolah nan ka dijapuik kadaijangkau urang,nan kamakai nan sapanjang adaik. itu la mangko bapisuruah kami kabakh anak kami bacapek kaki barinngan tangan. manuruik labuah nan panjang,jalan nan baliku.jauah nan baturik,ampie bajalang,manjalang rumah niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah. sarato kito nan adir diateh rumah gadang nangko. baiak lah adie kito ditangah runmah gadang nangko bakaranolah kapai anak kami mamakai nan sapanjang adaik,tantu baradaik pulo tantangannyo. manyo nan manjadi adaik nyo batatiangkan ayam singgang nan saikue,nasi kunyik nan sairiang siriah nan di ateh,ameh nan dibawah,uang nan limo kupang namonyo. kok lah banamo bana kabanaran nan katangah dikami nan ditarimo suko jikok banamo dilua nak dikadalamkan. sakian sambah jo titah kami himpunkan (mamak) Lah sampai di bapak kami Sapanjang panitahan bapak kami nan tairik tabantang,talayang ditangah tangah,tibo bakeh kami sagaji ipa bisan. Jikok didanga lah elok bunyi,di pandang lah elok rupo. Lah bunta bak sawah nan sapiriang,lah boneh bak padi nan satangkai....tapi samantang pun baitu. Dek sawah indak sapiriang,dek pipik indak saikua. Dek padi indak satangkai masak indak sakali ambiak,dek pipik indak saikua tabang indak sakali inggok. Baa dek kaadaan kami duduak baduo batigo nan sagalo ipa bisan,dihadapan niniak dengan mamak. Kok kami cubo marantang panjang,untuang taserak jalo suto,kok lai ikan nan kabuliah,kok indak ameh tantangannyo. Kok kami cubo mampaiyo patidokan,dikato nan kamanjawek,di gayuang nan kamanyambuik,lai kok dalam adat nan tapakai..... Nak bapambari bapak kami.... (bapak) sampai di mamak kami,arati nyo bana nan katangah dmamak kami.bana nan ktngah jikok dpandang lah elok rupo didanga lah rncak bunyi.baa pulokoh dikato kamanjawab dgayuang kamanjawab,dek bkarano kami nan bduo btigo sakaji ipan bisan nan dduak d hdapn jumalah niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah tntu btariak bakato bariyo batido.yo mantun? Spnjg kabanaran mamak kmi nan katangah lah dalam adaik nan tpakai lah dlm barih jo balabeh lah dlm cupak jo gantang nyenyo kami.lalunyo dlm nantun,krano itu pituah dinan tuo,barih nak jan ilang,adaik nak nyo tapakai.adaik bajalan bamulah adaik bakato bariyo.sakarang jalan kadipamulahkan kato ka dipariyokan dek mamak kami.kok dkami lah dlam garih nan barantang.bana bananti dikami.kumbali sambah bakeh mamak kami. (Mamak) Yo...ma bapak kami.....sapanjang rundiang nan kami danga,karana bakato ka pariyokan,bajalan ka di pamulahkan dek bapak kami...., Kok janyo kami lah tibo di barih balabehnyo,iyo lah dalam adaik nan tapakai,kan baitu kabanaran bapak kami......... Dikami sagaji ipa bisan itu bana nan manyangkuik. Baa karano lah dalam adat nan tapakai kabanaran kami...kok di kami hari elok nak tapakai,kok bajalan kami pamulahkan,bakato kami pariyokan.....sipaik mananti bapak kami. (Bapak) indak tarago baulang sapanjang buah kabanaran nan katangah dek mamak kami.kok d kami bana badangakan.kumbali bakek mamak kami. (mamak) Inya Allah kami pariyokan....... (bapak) Bana mananti (mamak ka angku datuak) Bakeh angku sambah.aratinyo karano lah katangah kabanaran bapak kito,adaik nan biaso pituah din an tuo,suato kato takanak jawek suatu gayuang takanak sambuik.nan dijuluak nak rareh nan dipungkang nak jatuah.tumbuah bak dinan sakarang nangko,karano lah katangah kabanaran bapak kito,lah bana kok dikami kato kabajwek gayuang kabasambuik ikobanalah pai nan kami tanyo pulang nan kami baritokan bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah. Ko lah bana nyenyo angku nak bapambari angku,kok banamo balun nak di kadalamkan sakian sambah bakeh angku. (Datuak ka mamak) Manyo sutan,arainyo bana nan katangah dek sutan tumbuah bak dinan sakarang nangko,karano lah katangah kabanaran bapak kito,lah bana kok dikami kato kabajawek gayuang kabasambuik ikobanalah pai nan kami tanyo pulang nan kami baritokan bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah.yo baitu? (sutan) bana (Datuak) Sapanjang kabanaran sutan lah ico nan baturuik lah adaik nan bapakai,lalunyo dalam nantun pai batanyokan pulang bakadukan .tumbuah din an bak sakarang kini karano lah tajun sambah jo titah di bapak kito,kato tantu bajawek gayuang tantu basanbuik,nan di pungkang nak jatuah nan di juluak nak nak rareh.kandak babari pintak balaku.namun dalam sado nantun,barih nak jan nyo hilang jajak nak jan nyo lipue.adaik bakatobariyo adaik bajalan bamulah.alahkoh bajalan bapamulahkan bakato bapariyokan di sutan nan baduo tigo.kok nyenyo ambo,banati jaj baabih hari batanggang jan baabih minyak lah bana nyo kato bajawek gayaun basambuik.sakaian titah kumbali bakeh sutan. (sutan) sapanjang pambarian angku satitiak jadikan lauik basa sakepa jadikan gunuang tnggi,bapacik arek baganggam taguah siang dipatungkek malam jadikan suluah. (Sutan ka sidi) manyo sidi,aratinyo karano lah tajun sambah jo titah dek bapak kito.tantu suatu kato bakandak jawek suatu gayuang bakandak sambuik.adopun maso sabalunnyo,pail ah kami batanyokan pulang lah bakadukan ka niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah.dek niniak mamak baalam laweh bapadang lapang,indak tarago bananti hari lah bapambari niniak mamak.a nyo nan jadi pambari niniak mamak.lah bananyo kato bajwek gayuang basambuik.samantangpun baitu barih nak jan nyo ilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bajalan bamulah adaik bakato bariyo.sakarang jalan nan kadipamulahkan kato nan kadipariyokan bakeh sidi.dimakoh katarabiknyo bak padi katumbuahnyo bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek digayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jalan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh sidi,sakian sambah (Sidi ka sutan) sampai dek sutan.aratinyo bana nan katangah dek sutan karano lah tajun sambah jo titah dek bapak kito.tantu suatu kato bakandak jawek suatu gayuang bakandak sambuik.adopun maso sabalunnyo,tinggi alah bajuluak randah lah bajambo.painyo kami tanyokan pulang lah kadukan ka niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah.dek niniak mamak baalam laweh bapadang lapang,indak tarago bananti hari lah bapambari niniak mamak.a nyo nan jadi pambari niniak mamak.lah bananyo kato bajwek gayuang basambuik.samantangpun baitu barih nak jan nyo ilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bajalan bamulah adaik bakato bariyo.sakarang jalan nan kadipamulahkan kato nan kadipariyokan bakeh sidi.dimakoh katarabiknyo bak padi katumbuahnyo bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek digayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jalan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh sidi,iyo baitu? (sutan) bana (sidi) sapnjang kabanaran sutan lah dalam barih jo balabeh lah dalam cupak nanjo gantang,lalunyo dalam nantun.bajalan bapariyokan bajalan bapamulahkan.jalan nan tapariyokan di sutan batarimo suko di ambo.baa pulokoh,dek ambo nan duduak sabalah kamari lai baduo batigo pulo.kok batariak dikami bajalan bamulah bakato bariyo lai koh di sutan ka babari.kumbalai bakeh sutan. (sutan) Aratinyo buah kabanaran sidi kini nantun jalan nan tapariyokan di sutan batarimo suko di ambo.baa pulokoh,dek ambo nan duduak sabalah kamari lai baduo batigo pulo.kok batariak dikami bajalan bamulah bakato bariyo lai koh di sutan ka babari.iyo baitu? (sidi) bana (sutan) sapanjang kabanaran sidi lah dalam takuak tabang tibo,lah dalam garih makanan pahek.lalunyo dalam nantun.karano uitu pituah rang tuo,barih jan hilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bakato bariyo adaik bajalan bamulah.sakarang kato kabapariyokan jalan kadipamulahkan dek sidi.kok diambo bana bananti. (sidi) .aratinyo bana nan katangak dek sutan karano uitu pituah rang tuo,barih jan hilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bakato bariyo adaik bajalan bamulah.sakarang kato kabapariyokan jalan kadipamulahkan dek sidi,kok di kami bana mananti.yo baitu (sutan)bana (sidi) ndak tarago baulang sapanjang pambarian sutan,bana bapariyokan. (bana bananti) (sidi ka rangkayo) rang kayo,aratinyo karano bisiak lah kadangaran himbau lah kalampauan di dunsanak kito sabalah ka mudiak.karano lah tajun sambah jo titah di bapak kito.tantu kato bajawek gayuang basambuik.sakarang dimakoh katarabiknyo nan bak padi katumbuahnyo nan bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jlan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh rangkayo. (rangkayo ka sidi) sampai dek sidi.aratinyo karano bisiak lah kadangaran himbau lah kalampauan di dunsanak kito sabalah ka mudiak.karano lah tajun sambah jo titah di bapak kito.tantu kato bajawek gayuang basambuik.sakarang dimakoh katarabiknyo nan bak padi katumbuahnyo nan bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jlan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh rangkayo.yo baitu? (sidi) bana (rangkayo ka sidi)rupo ruponyo di sidi barih nadak hilang jajak ndak lipue.lalunyo dalam nantun,bajalan bapamulahkan bakato bapariyokan.jalan nan tapamulahkan kato nan tapariyokan dek sidi batarimo suko diambo.di tantangan kato nan kamanjawek gayuang nan kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katangah .nak lamak siriah lega carano lamak kato lega bunyi, dikato nan kamanjawek kumbali kapado sutan,pihak mangumbalikan kumbali ka sidi .nan kami disiko lah samo didalam.sakian sambah. (sidi ka rangkayo) Alah sampai dek kayo? (rangkayo) umpamo alah (sidi ka rangkayo) Aratinyo nan manjadi buah bana di kayo kini nantun di tantangan kato nan kamanjawek gayuang nan kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katangah .nak lamak siriah lega carano lamak kato lega bunyi, dikato nan kamanjawek kumbali kapado sutan,pihak mangumbalikan kumbali ka sidi .nan kami disiko lah samo didalam.iyo baitu? (rangkayo) lah bananyoh (sidi ka rangkayo) spanjang kabanaran sidi lah rancak susunnyo nan bak siriah lah rancak ririknyo nan bak pinang. nak lamak siriah lega carano lamak kato lega bunyi, dikato nan kamanjwek kumbali kapado sutan.kok di ambo bana bakumbalikan. (sidi ka sutan) manyo sutan (sutan)manitahlah (sidi ka sutan) aratinyo parundiangan kito antaro jo sutan iyolah talaun talalai.talaunnyo tarago kabukik mancari angin ,kalurah mancari aie.dek hari kolah nan elok kutiko kolah nan baiak,lakeh dapek dikami bulek nan sagiliang pipiah nan satapiak.dibulekkan aie ka pambuluah dibulekan kato ka mupakaik.a nyo nan manjadi mupakaik kami nan sabalah kamari,dipihak kamanarabik an nan bak padi manumbuahkan bak bijo,dikato nan kamanjawek di gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katanagah iyolah karano lah sutan nan baulu jawek di sutan pulo katarabiknyo.kumbali bakeh sutan. (sutan ka sidi)aratinyo sapanjang titah nan katangah dek sidi..dek hari kolah nan elok kutiko kolah nan baiak,lakeh dapek dikami bulek nan sagiliang pipiah nan satapiak.dibulekkan aie ka pambuluah dibulekan kato ka mupakaik.a nyo nan manjadi mupakaik kami nan sabalah kamari,dipihak kamanarabik an nan bak padi manumbuahkan bak bijo,dikato nan kamanjawek di gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katanagah iyolah karano lah sutan nan baulu jawek di sutan pulo katarabiknyo.iyo baitu? (sidi) bana (sutan ka sidi) sapanjang kabanaran sidi mambanai ambo.,dipihak nan baulu jawek iyolah diambo. namun sakiro nantun,nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi.elok juolah di sidi nan kamanarabik an.kumbali bakeh sidi. (sidi ka sutan)aratinyo nan manjadi bana dek sutan,nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi.elok juolah di sidi nan kamanarabik an.ityo baitu? (sutan)bana (Sidi ka sutan)sapanjang kabanaran sutan lah dalam takuak tabang tibo,lah dalam garih makanan pahek,lalunyo dalam nantun nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi mambanai ambo.namun sakiro nantun,bak pituah urang tuo.adaik bajalan ba nan tau adaik bakato ba nan pandai.tarabik an lah dek sutan mairiangan ambo.sakian sambah. (stuan ka sidi) aratinyo nan manjadi buah ban dek sidi,nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi mambanai ambo.namun sakiro nantun,bak pituah urang tuo.adaik bajalan ba nan tau adaik bakato ba nan pandai.tarabik an lah dek sutan mairiangan ambo,yo baitu. (sidi) sakiro nantun (sutan) sapanjang kabanaran sidi lah dalam barih jo balabeh lah dalam lingkuang cupak jo gantang.lalunyo dalam nan tun.bak gurindam rang tuo. singgalang lereang malereang dilereang nagari pandaisikek mandaki jalan ka tanjuang tasabuik nagari ampek koto dipapanjang namuah panjang elok di kumpa nak nyo singkek nan bak maetong kain saruang disinan juo katibonyo. karano lah sapareh tu bana sidi mangumbalikan bakeh ambo.kok jadih jadih juo.namun sakiro nantun,kok senteang nak di bilai kurang yo batukuak dek sidi. (sidi)indak bapabia tagamang sutan

saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) telah memenuhi janjinya untuk dapat mendatangi posko pengungsi letus

saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) telah memenuhi janjinya untuk dapat mendatangi posko pengungsi letusan Gunung Sinabung di Kabanjahe, Kabupaten Karo, Sumatera Utara. Pada kesempatan itu, SBY juga telah meminta agar pemerintah setempat merelokasi warga di lereng gunung ke lokasi yang lebih aman.

"Relokasi, radius 3 km itu saya kira gunung berapi manapun sangat berbahaya, yang berada di radius 3 km tidak bisa tinggal dan harus relokasi. Boleh bertani di tempat itu, tapi tempat tinggal harus di luar radius yang disebut aman tadi," kata SBY di Posko Gereja Katolik Paroki, Karo, Kamis (23/1).

Namun, SBY juga tidak menutup mata jika rencana tersebut akan mendapat perlawanan keras dari warga. SBY juga hanya meminta kepada gubernur dan bupati Karo agar bersabar melakukannya.

"Harus sabar karena kasus yang direlokasi tidak mau," tukasnya.

Selain telah menyoroti masalah relokasi warga, SBY juga telah meminta agar pengelolaan pengungsi dapat dijalankan dengan baik. Tidak boleh ada pengungsi yang mengalami sakit atau meninggal akibat tidak adanya perawatan atau pelayanan yang memadai untuk mereka.

"Masalah rumah rusak bisa diganti, kalau saudara kita meninggal, kita tidak bisa ganti. Semua upaya untuk keselamatan saudara kita," kata SBY usai mendengar paparan Gubernur Sumatera Utara Gatot Pudjobroto tentang penanganan pengungsi di Kabanjahe.

Kemudian, fasilitas dasar bagi pengungsi juga harus tetap diutamakan, tidak boleh ada satupun kekurangan. "Pelayanan saudara kita di tempat penampungan, 'basic' untuk makan minum air bersih dan peralatan kesehatan tidak boleh ada kekurangan," tegasnya.

Terakhir, SBY juga telah meminta gubernur dan bupati Karo untuk dapat mencarikan solusi bagi kerusakan yang telah terjadi atas lahan pertanian milik warga. Dia pun juga mengajak para pemimpin daerah untuk dapat menghitung langsung bersama-sama terkait kerugian-kerugian yang terjadi.

"Solusi bagi petani yang karena musibah benar-benar rusak. tentu kalau dibebankan pada yang bersangkutan akan berat, kebijakan seperti apa, nanti malam (saat rapat-red) saya ada hitung-hitungannya," kata Presiden.

Sebelumnya, Gatot dalam paparannya mengatakan, masa tanggap darurat sejak 15 September 2013 sudah enam kali diperpanjang. Intensitas terus menerus 750 kali erupsi, jumlah pengungsi 203 desa, 4 kecamatan 28.745 orang atau 9.045 Kepala Keluarga tersebar di 43 tempat pengungsian.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Dr. Irsyal Rusad. Sp.PD Spesialis Penyakit Dalam Lulusan Fakultas Kedokteran Universitas Gadjah Mada. Anggota Persatuan Ahli Penyakit Dalam Infonesia ( PAPDI) dan Pengurus PAPDI Cabang Riau. Berminat dalam bidang Healthy Life, Healthy Aging, dan Diabetes Mellitus.

KOMPAS.com - Beberapa penyakit kronis yang diderita sekarang, seperti diabetes, hipertensi, stroke, jantung dan sebagainya berkaitan erat dengan apa yang kita masukkan ke dalam perut kita, atau apa yang kita makan. Sayangnya, ditengah-tengah kesibukan kehidupan modern sekarang ini, apa yang kita masukkan itu sering luput dari perhatian kita, maka tidak heran penyakit-penyakit itu menjadi pembunuh utama kita sekarang ini.

Beberapa tips di bawah ini mudah-mudahan dapat membantu Anda.

1. Makanlah hanya pada saat lapar

Makanlah saat Anda lapar bukan pada saat Anda sedih, bosan, stres, ada resepsi, undangan, atau hanya karena ada makanan yang gratis, makanan yang kelihatan menggugah selera. Bila Anda makan karena alasan ini, maka makanan yang Anda konsumsi biasanya cendrung tidak sehat, berlebihan, dan apa yang menjadi tujuan dari makan sendiri untuk memelihara tubuh, kenikmatan, kepuasan  memperoleh enerji yang cukup tidak akan tercapai, malah sebaliknya, penyakit yang akan Anda dapatkan. Tapi, bila Anda makan hanya waktu lapar nikmatnya makanan itu akan lebih Anda rasakan. Di samping itu, Anda tidak perlu makan berlebihan, sampai kekenyangan, agar Anda puas, merasa sudah cukup, tapi kalau Anda makan karena sedih, bosan, stres, lagi bersenang-senang, Anda memerlukan makanan yang lebih banyak.

2. Makanlah masakan dari dapur Anda sendiri

Mengkonsumsi makanan yang Anda beli di luar, dengan makanan yang Anda masak sendiri pasti tidak sama kualitas dan pengaruhnya. Makanan yang dari dapur Anda, Anda sendiri yang menentukan apa yang akan Anda masak, mau memasak daging, ikan, sayur, berapa banyaknya, apa bumbunya, berapa garamnya, dan bagaimana memasaknya. Apa yang Anda masak, apa bumbunya, berapa garam yang Anda masukkan, bagaimana memasaknya akan menentukan kualitas makanan yang akan Anda makan. Di samping itu, aktivitas di dapur yang Anda lakukan dapat menjadi sesuatu yang menyenangkan, dan membakar cadangan energi Anda. Bila anda makan di luar, yang menentukan sesuatumya adalah kokinya, tidak hanya cara mengolahnya, tetapi juga apa yang harus Anda makan. Sayangnya, dapur kita sekarang sudah jarang berasap.

3. Pilihlah piring yang lebih kecil

Apa, berapa, dan bagaimana makanan yang Anda taruh dalam piring Anda akan mempengaruhi selera makan Anda, rasa puas, kenyang, dan kesan yang Anda lihat melalui mata juga akan akan mempengarhui porsi makanan Anda. Piring yang lebih kecil yang Anda pilih memberi kesan bahwa makanan yang ditaruh di atasnya kelihatan menjadi lebih banyak. Ini dapat mencegah Anda makan lebih banyak juga

4. Makanlah lebih sedikit, tetapi lebih sering

Dalam keadaan serba sibuk sekarang ini, ada kecendrungan orang makan 1-2 kali saja sehari, tetapi dalam porsi yang besar. Banyak yang tidak sempat makan pagi, kompensasinya mereka makan siang dalam jumlah yang besar atau sebaliknya. Makan dengan pola ini ternyata tidak sehat, memberikan beban belebihan pada perut Anda dalam sekaligus, dengan bermacam keluhan seperti, perut tidak nyaman,  menyesak, mual, muntah, cegukan, dan pengolahan, penyerapan makanan tidak sempurna. Bahkan banyak laporan kejadian serangan jantung akibat pola makan seperti ini.

Di samping itu, makan  banyak sekaligus, apalagi Anda mengkonsumsi makanan yang indeks glikemiknya tinggi, makanan kurang mengandung serat, kadar gula darah Anda dapat naik mendadak, yang kemudian juga memacu pelepasan Insulin dalam jumlah besar. Pelepasan insulin dalam jumlah besar ini mengakibat gula darah turun cepat juga, sehingga menimbulkan gejala seperti letih, mood anda terganggu, mmengantuk dan Anda cendrung mencari makanan ringan yang manis-manis. Sebaliknya, makan lebih sedikit, tetapi lebih sering, disamping sehat untuk sistem pencernaan, juga dapat mempertahankan gula darah Anda lebih stabil. Karena itu kebiasaan ini  bisa mengurangi risiko ancaman diabetes. Jadi, biasakanlah makan dalam porsi lebih kecil tetapi frekwensi lebih sering. Ada ahli yang menganjurkan 4-5 kali dalam sehari lebih untuk Anda.

5. Makanlah dengan rileks, santai, dan pelan-pelan

Karena merasa waktu yang sempit, diburu target, banyak dari kita yang makan sekarang ini,  dibawah tekanan, dalam keadaan stres, saat menonton TV, di depan komputer, di atas meja kerjai, sedang berjalan, bahkan selagi membawa kendaraan. Bila Anda tidak fokus dengan makanan di depan Anda, disamping Anda tidak dapat menikmati makanan itu, sistem pencernaan anda juga akan terganngu. Anda juga cendrung makan dalam porsi berlebihan. Sebaiknya makanlah dalam  keadaan tenang, pelan-pelan. Makan dengan situasi begini memberi Anda kesempatan menikmati makanan lebih baik, mengunyah lebih lama dan sistem pencernaan kita juga berkerja lebih sempurna.

Makan terburu-buru, misalnya 1-2 piring sudah habis Anda santap dalam 10 menit, atau kurang, tetapi Anda masih belum merasa kenyang, puas,  ini disebabkan oleh refleks puas, kenyang yang sampai ke otak kita perlu waktu sekitar  20 menit setelah kita mulai makan. Jadi, kalau Anda makan terburu-buru Anda juga cendrung makan dalam jumlah yang lebih besar. Anda baru tahu bahwa Anda makan berlebihan beberapa saat setelah Anda berhenti makan.

Bila 5 kiat di atas dapat Anda jalani, Insya Allah di samping kemungkinan Anda menjadi penyandang beberapa penyakit kronis, diabetes, hipertensi, jantung, stroke dapat diperkecil, tubuh Anda juga akan lebih cantik dan sehat.

 

    saco-indonesia.com,     dan jangan kau bersedih     ku tahu kau lelah &nbs

    saco-indonesia.com,

    dan jangan kau bersedih
    ku tahu kau lelah
    tepiskan keruh dunia
    biarkan mereka, biarkan mereka

    tenangkan hatimu disana
    tertidur kau lelap
    mimpi yang menenangkan
    biarkan semua, biarkan semua

    kurangi beban itu
    tetap lihat kedepan
    tak terasingkan dunia
    dua jiwa perih

    masih ada disana
    tempat kita berdua
    dan hati yang menyatu
    tempat kita berdua

    kurangi beban itu
    tetap lihat kedepan
    tak terasingkan dunia
    dua jiwa perih

    masih ada disana
    untuk kita berdua


    Editor : Dian Sukmawati

  

Seseorang bisa terkena diabetes tipe-2 jika tubuh mereka tak bisa memproduksi cukup insulin. Penyakit ini juga bisa menyebabkan banyak kerusakan pada tubuh dan organ internal. Bahkan tak jarang penyakit ini bisa berujung pada kematian jika meningkat menjadi sangat serius.

Seseorang bisa terkena diabetes tipe-2 jika tubuh mereka tak bisa memproduksi cukup insulin. Penyakit ini juga bisa menyebabkan banyak kerusakan pada tubuh dan organ internal. Bahkan tak jarang penyakit ini bisa berujung pada kematian jika meningkat menjadi sangat serius.

Diabetes tipe-2 tak bisa diobati dan hanya bisa dikontrol. Untuk itu, sangat penting untuk dapat mencegah penyakit ini sebelum akhirnya terkena. Berikut adalah beberapa cara untuk dapat mencegah diabetes tipe-2 .

1. Menjaga berat badan
Salah satu faktor yang membuat seseorang berisiko terkena diabetes tipe-2 adalah lemak yang berkumpul di sekitar perut. Untuk itu, menurunkan berat badan dan mengurangi ukuran perut sangat penting untuk dapat mencegah diabetes. Terlalu banyak lemak yang berkumpul di sekitar perut akan menurunkan produksi insulin dan akan semakin memicu diabetes tipe-2.

2. Kurangi konsumsi gula
Beberapa orang terkena diabetes karena faktor keturunan. Jika ini yang terjadi pada Anda, sebaiknya hindari mengonsumsi makanan manis. Orang dengan faktor keturunan diabetes akan lebih mudah terkena diabetes, sehingga Anda harus mewaspadai konsumsi gula serta mengecek tingkat gula darah secara rutin. Sesuaikan juga diet Anda agar tetap sehat dan tak terkena diabetes tipe-2.

3. Memilih lemak yang tepat
Tak semua lemak buruk dan harus dihindari. Untuk dapat mencegah diabetes dan menurunkan berat badan, Anda tak harus menjauhi semua lemak. Yang terpenting adalah memilih lemak yang tepat seperti asam lemak omega-3 atau lemak dalam minyak zaitun. Namun beberapa jenis lemak seperti lemak jenuh sebaiknya dihindari sama sekali. Karena lemak jenuh bisa memicu peradangan dan menyebabkan resistensi insulin yang bisa berujung pada diabetes.

4. Olahraga
Olahraga bukan berarti Anda harus nge-gym setiap hari. Menjaga agar gaya hidup tetap aktif dengan berjalan-jalan beberapa hari sekali atau naik turun tangga juga bisa jadi salah satu bentuk olahraga ringan yang bisa menjaga kebugaran tubuh Anda. Berolahraga dan memiliki gaya hidup yang aktif seperti ini juga dapat membantu menangkal risiko diabetes tipe-2.

5. Konsumsi rempah-rempah
Beberapa bentuk rempah seperti kayu manis, merica, dan thyme diketahui bisa mencegah diabetes. Jadi, gunakan rempah-rempah ini pada masakan yang Anda konsumsi untuk membantu Anda menangkal penyakit gula tersebut.

Tak pernah ada obat untuk menyembuhkan diabetes. Yang harus Anda lakukan adalah mengontrol tingkat gula darah setiap hari. Untuk itu, mencegah diabetes datang jauh lebih baik ketimbang harus mengobatinya.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Di waktu seseorang dituntut bekerja terlalu keras, kondisi fisik dan mental cenderung rentan mengalami kelelahan.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Di waktu seseorang dituntut bekerja terlalu keras, kondisi fisik dan mental cenderung rentan mengalami kelelahan. Pada gilirannya, tingkat konsentrasi akan menurun, sehingga mengurangi efisiensi dalam bekerja.
Kelelahan merupakan salah satu biang keladi menurunnya produktivitas di tempat kerja. 

Faktanya, banyak faktor yang menyebabkan seseorang menjadi gampang kelelahan. Berbagai penelitian telah dilakukan untuk menggali masalah kelelahan saat bekerja. Beragam faktor juga ditemukan yang menjadi pemicu problem kelelahan saat bekerja.

Dalam sebuah makalah berisi kesimpulan dari berbagai penelitian mengenai kelelahan terkait pekerjaan (2006) oleh Department of Employment and Workplace Relations - Australian Safety and Compensation Council (ASCC), disebutkan sejumlah faktor yang memengaruhi kelelahan saat bekerja.
Faktor tersebut di antaranya: tuntutan pekerjaan, jam kerja, tuntutan secara fisik dan psikis dalam bekerja, psikososial, lingkungan, hubungan interpersonal, kondisi lingkungan kerja seperti suara bising, suhu, serta stres dalam bekerja, tak terkecuali pola tidur.

Di luar berbagai faktor tersebut, dalam pernyataan terpisah, Dr Jill Dorrian dari Centre for Sleep Research University of South Australia mengungkapkan kualitas tidur turut mempengaruhi kinerja dan berdampak pada kelelahan saat bekerja. Asupan air dan kafein juga turut menentukan faktor kebugaran seseorang dalam beraktivitas sehari-hari.

Dr Dorrian menyarankan, agar tetap bugar, seseorang perlu minum banyak air karena cairan bisa mencegah kekeringan pada otak. "Ketika otak terhidrasi, oksigen dan nutrien yang esensial untuk tubuh bisa berfungsi optimal," terangnya.

Selain menjaga asupan cairan, tidur juga mempunyai peran penting mengatasi kelelahan saat bekerja.

"Tidur berkualitas selama 20 menit atau kurang akan lebih baik ketimbang tidur dalam waktu lama namun saat bangun justru merasa lebih buruk," ungkap dr Dorrian.

Beragam penyebab

Penyebab kelelahan dalam bekerja menurut menurut Lifestyle Observer dan Pengajar Biologi Fisiologi Tubuh dari Shape Up Indonesia, dr Grace Judio-Kahl, MSc, MH, CHt bisa sangat beragam.  Dalam penanganannya, seseorang perlu terlebih dulu mencermati sumber masalah kelelahan tersebut.

Grace menjelaskan, bisa saja kelelahan terjadi karena seseorang memang secara fisik lelah misalnya karena kurang istirahat atau melakukan pekerjaan yang membutuhkan aktivitas fisik yang besar. Kelelahan juga bisa terjadi karena penyakit kronis atau penyakit akut.

Penyakit akut bisa disebabkan beberapa virus, termasuk virus fourth disease, fifth disease, roseola, atau hepatitis. Sementara penyakit kronis misalnya pada orang yang memiliki masalah tiroid atau diabetes.

Rasa lelah juga bisa muncul karena orang itu secara emosional punya masalah yang memicu stres. Kurang makan juga bisa menjadi penyebab kelelahan saat bekerja.

Terkait makanan dan asupan nutrisi, Grace mengatakan faktor nutrisi mungkin saja memberikan kontribusi terhadap kelelahan.

"Nutrisi memungkinkan saja ada kontribusi pada kelelahan. Misalnya untuk penyakit kronis, asupan nutrisi yang salah membuat orang itu diabetes dan penyakit itulah yang membuat dia kelelahan. Atau orang itu sedang diet, karena diet terjadi hipoglikemi, itu memungkinkan menyebabkan kelelahan," ungkapnya kepada Kompas Health melalui email.

Karenanya, lanjut Grace, dalam mengatasi problem kelelahan harus diperhatikan akar masalahnya. Jika terjadi hipoglikemi akibat diet, asupan gula tepung dan karbohidrat harus cukup.

Solusi lain dalam mengatasi kelelahan juga bisa dilakukan dengan cara mengonsumsi kafein atau makanan yang sifatnya meningkatkan metabolisme. Selain itu bisa dengan mengonsumsi vitamin B atau multivitamin, serta buah dan sayur, namun ini sifatnya hanya sementara.

"Mengatasi kelelahan secara temporer bisa saja, tapi tetap saja harus dilihat akar masalahnya. Kalau lelahnya karena stres, mau dikasih makanan apa pun tetap saja stresnya tidak sembuh dan lelahnya tidak hilang," terangnya.

Nah, jika sumber masalah kelelahan karena kekurangan gizi atau mikronutrien, dan menyebabkan kelelahan berkepanjangan, lain lagi penanganannya.
"Kelelahan berkepanjangan karena kekurangan zat gizi bisa diatasi dengan mengasup zat gizi tertentu. Misalnya, kurang darah, HB turun, mungkin kekurangan zat besi, selenium, atau  seng," ungkapnya.

Lain halnya jika kelelahan terjadi karena kerja otot berlebihan. Jadi, saat otot bergerak, seseorang bisa merasa lelah karena muncul sampah metabolisme akibat pemakaian otot. Masalah ini bisa diatasi dengan asupan zat gizi tertentu seperti asam amino.

"Banyak hal yang harus dirujuk untuk mengatasi kelelahan bekerja. Lihat dulu penyebab kelelahan, untuk menentukan lalu cari obatnya," saran Grace.

Terkait masalah asupan gizi untuk membantu kelelahan, sebuah riset di Jepang menunjukkan bahwa konsumsi saripati ayam (essence of chicken) dapat membantu memulihkan stres dan kelelahan mental.

Seperti dimuat Journal of Physiological Anthropology (Applied Human Science), Dr. Nagai dan Harada dari Institute of Fundamental Research Suntory, Jepang, melakukan penelitian melibatkan dua kelompok mahasiswa pria sehat yang diberikan tes beban kerja.  

Kelompok pertama diberi minuman saripati setiap pagi selama satu pekan, sedangkan kelompok yang lain diberikan plasebo. Pada hari ke tujuh, kedua kelompok mahasiswa ini menjalani tes kemampuan dan pengukuran kadar stres.   Tes mental untuk mahasiswa ini berupa ujian artimatika dan kemampuan daya ingat jangka pendek, yang keduanya berkaitan dengan hormon stres atau kortisol

Hasil penelitian menunjukkan, tingkat kesalahan pada kelompok pertama yang diberi minuman saripati lebih rendah dibanding kelompok plasebo. Kelompok pertama juga mengaku lebih aktif dan tidak mudah lelah selama mengikuti ujian.  Peneliti menyimpulkan, kandungan gizi dalam saripati membantu memetabolisme kortisol dalam darah dan memulihkan tubuh dari kelelahan mental.


Editor : Liwon Maulana

saco-indonesia.com, Saat anda ingin membeli laptop baru, anda juga harus bisa mempertimbangkan berbagai aspek agar tidak menyesa

saco-indonesia.com, Saat anda ingin membeli laptop baru, anda juga harus bisa mempertimbangkan berbagai aspek agar tidak menyesal dikemudian hari. Apa saja yang harus diperhatikan? Untuk dapat menjawabnya, silahkan simak artikel kami tentang tips membeli laptop baru

tips membeli laptop
Tips Membeli Laptop BaruTips Membeli Laptop Baru

1. Spesifikasi itu penting

Spesifikasi adalah hal yang sangat penting. Perlu Anda ketahui kebutuhan tiap orang dalam menggunakan laptop itu sangat berbeda-beda. Maka dari itu, definisikan dulu kebutuhan Anda saat ini. Apakah anda seorang pelajar atau mahasiswa? Apakah anda seorang guru? Apakah Anda seorang desainer? Atau apakah Anda seorang gamer?

Dari masing-masing kebutuhan tersebut, akan dapat memunculkan spesifikasi yang berbeda-beda. Ambil contoh seorang mahasiswa yang sangat membutuhkan laptop untuk dapat mengerjakan tugas-tugas kuliah, mencari referensi di internet, dan membutuhkan media hiburan dengan aneka game komputer lainnya. Ia juga tak memerlukan laptop dengan spesifikasi cukup tinggi.

Ia juga bisa memilih laptop dengan spesifikasi yang sesuai dengan kebutuhan, misalnya prosesor dual-core, dengan RAM cukup 2GB saja, plus VGA standar. Sehingga dengan begitu, ia juga tidak perlu menghabiskan banyak uang untuk dapat membeli laptop dengan spesifikasi tinggi yang pastinya berharga mahal.

Oleh karena itu, menentukan kebutuhan itu sangat penting pada saat Anda ingin membeli laptop baru.

2. Brand menentukan kualitas

Ini hal yang sudah biasa, laptop dengan brand yang terkenal pasti telah memiliki kualitas yang lebih baik. Bukannya tanpa, tapi coba Anda perhatikan, laptop-laptop dengan brand terkenal biasanya telah memiliki harga relatif tinggi jika dibandingkan dengan brand biasa.

Ini bukan karena mereka menang di brand atau sebagainya makanya membuat harga yang mahal. Melainkan karena produk yang diciptakan juga telah memiliki standar kualitas yang baik serta berbagai komponen laptop tersebut memang menggunakan komponen yang bagus juga.

Selain itu, laptop dengan brand terkenal juga masih memiliki nilai jual kembali yang cukup tinggi nantinya. Jadi memilih brand juga tergolong penting pada saat Anda ingin membeli laptop baru.

3. Perhatikan garansi yang diberikan

Selain dalam memperhatikan spesifikasi dan brand, keberadaan garansi juga merupakan hal yang penting. Pada saat Anda ingin membeli laptop, coba perhatikan berapa lama waktu garansi yang telah diberikan oleh produsennya.

Karena tidak semua laptop dapat memberikan waktu garansi yang sama. Mungkin ada yang memberikan garansi selama satu tahun, atau bahkan ada juga yang memberikan waktu garansi selama dua tahun.

Semakin lama waktu garansi yang telah diberikan akan semakin baik. Jangan takut untuk mengurus garansi bila suatu saat laptop Anda telah mengalami kerusakan. Selain dengan menghemat uang, laptop Anda juga akan diperbaiki teknisi resmi dari penyedia brand laptop tersebut.

Itulah beberapa tips dalam membeli laptop baru. Semua aspek di atas sangat penting untuk anda perhatikan dengan baik, agar tidak salah dalam memilih laptop. Setelah membaca tips di atas, semoga anda telah mendapat gambaran dalam hal membeli laptop baru.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Sumber : Bangbiw.com

saco-indonesia.com, Kepolisian Resor Kota Bandarlampung telah berhasil menangkap Prayoga alias Yoga, warga Jl Ryacudu Kelurahan

saco-indonesia.com, Kepolisian Resor Kota Bandarlampung telah berhasil menangkap Prayoga alias Yoga, warga Jl Ryacudu Kelurahan Waydadi, Kecamatan Sukarame, yang juga sempat mengaku sebagai anggota Badan Narkotika Nasional ( BNN ). Setelah diselidiki ternyata Yoga hanya mengaku-ngaku saja.

Kasat Narkoba Polesta Bandarlampung Kompol Sunaryoto juga mengatakan, tersangka telah berhasil ditangkap seusai pesta narkoba jenis sabu pada Rabu (29/1) sekitar pukul 05.30 WIB di rumahnya. "Penangkapan tersangka berdasarkan informasi dari masyarakat bahwa ada seorang pengusaha laundry yang juga mengaku sebagai anggota BNN ," kata dia.

Ia juga menyatakan, di tempat tersebut diduga sering telah dijadikan ajang transaksi narkoba. Berdasarkan informasi tersebut, pihaknya telah melakukan penyelidikan di tempat itu, dan mencurigai sebuah rumah yang digunakan untuk usaha pencucian "Firly Laundry".

Petugas kepolisian telah menggerebek tempat itu, dan juga menangkap tersangka yang bernama Prayoga alias Yoga serta melakukan penggeledahan di rumah ini.

"Pada saat dilakukan penggeledahan di rumahnya, polisi telah menemukan tiga buah plastik klip yang berisikan sabu, empat korek api, dan seperangkat alat hisap atau bong," kata dia.

Sunaryoto juga mengungkapkan, selain narkoba jenis sabu, polisi juga telah menemukan sepucuk senjata api rakitan berikut 10 butir peluru aktif yang berada di dalam tas kecil yang disimpan tersangka di dalam kamarnya.

Berdasarkan hasil pemeriksaan tersangka juga mengaku bahwa sabu tersebut didapatkan dari seseorang bernama Wiwid, warga Kecamatan Sukarame, dengan cara membelinya.

"Tersangka telah membeli sabu seharga Rp 300 ribu satu paketnya, sedangkan senjata api dan 10 butir amunisi yang telah dimiliki tersangka tersebut diberi dari seorang bernama Anton, warga Tegineneng Kabupaten Pesawaran," kata dia.

Berdasarkan informasi tersangka Yoga itu, polisi kemudian telah melakukan pengejaran terhadap tersangka Wiwid. Tapi tersangka sudah tidak ada di tempatnya dan melarikan diri, sehingga dimasukkan daftar pencarian orang (DPO).

Tersangka telah dijerat dengan pasal 114 ayat 1 subpasal 112 ayat 1 Undang Undang No. 35 Tahun 2009 tentang Narkotika, dengan ancaman hukuman paling singkat lima tahun dan paling lama 20 tahun penjara.

Selain itu, tersangka juga telah dikenakan UU Darurat No. 12 Tahun 1951 atas kepemilikan senjata api dengan ancaman hukuman mati, penjara seumur hidup dan setinggi-tingginya 20 tahun penjara.

Pengakuan tersangka Yoga bahwa barang tersebut miliknya dan baru selesai dipakai. Shabu didapatkannya dengan membeli dari seseorang yang dikenalnya bernama Widada alias Wiwid, warga Sukarame yang diduga merupakan seorang oknum anggota TNI.

"Saya beli dari Wiwid satu paketnya seharga Rp300 ribu dan membeli tiga paket. Saya mengonsumsi shabu baru dua bulan, selain juga mengedarkannya karena keuntungannya lumayan," kata dia.

Ia juga mengaku senjata api dan peluru itu, telah diberikan oleh temannya yang bernama Anton, dari Kecamatan Tegineneng, Kabupaten Pesawaran, sedangkan mobil sedan warna silver menyewa dari rental mobil.

"Saya dikasih senjata api itu, sudah dua bulan dan ada sama saya. Saya punya itu hanya untuk jaga-jaga, bukan untuk melakukan kejahatan," katanya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

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At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

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Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

The 2015 Met Gala has only officially begun, but there's a clear leader in the race for best couple, no small feat at an event that threatens to sap Hollywood of every celebrity it has for the duration of an East Coast evening.

That would be Marc Jacobs and his surprise guest (who, by some miracle, remained under wraps until their red carpet debut), Cher.

“This has been a dream of mine for a very, very long time,” Mr. Jacobs said.

It is Cher's first appearance at the Met Gala since 1997, when she arrived on the arm of Donatella Versace.

– MATTHEW SCHNEIER