Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Braga Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Braga Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Braga Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sumur Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sumur Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sumur Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Isola Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Isola Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Isola Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Geger Kalong Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Geger Kalong Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Geger Kalong Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukarasa Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukarasa Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukarasa Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sarijadi Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sarijadi Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sarijadi Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukawarna Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukawarna Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukawarna Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukagalih Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukagalih Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukagalih Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukabungah Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukabungah Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Sukabungah Bandung

GP Tax Consulting adalah salah satu unit usaha dari PT Great Performance  perusahaan yang bergerak dibidang jasa riset,&nbs

GP Tax Consulting adalah salah satu unit usaha dari PT Great Performance  perusahaan yang bergerak dibidang jasa riset,  jasa konsultasi pajak dan biro jasa di Jakarta Pusat.
Dengan didukung tenaga konsultan pajak profesional yang telah terdaftar, bersertifikat dan berpengalaman bertahun-tahun di bidang perpajakan GP Tax Consulting hadir dan siap membantu permasalahan perpajakan baik di perusahaan maupun pajak pribadi anda.
Visi dan Misi

Sebagai sebuah perusahaan jasa konsultan pajak kami mempunyai Visi untuk selalu memberikan pelayanan secara optimal agar dapat memberi nilai tambah bagi klien kami.

Adapun Misi kami adalah :

    Menyediakan jasa konsultasi yang profesional dan berkwalitas tinggi kepada klien secara konsisten
    Memberikan jasa konsultasi yang dapat menyelesaikan kasus/permasalahan pajak klien secara tepat, komprehensif dan sesuai dengan peraturan pajak yang berlaku
    Menjadi mitra kerja yang baik bagi klen dan fiskus
    Membantu pemerintah dalam meningkatkan kesadaran dan kepatuhan para wajib pajak untuk memenuhi kewajibannya membayar pajak sesuai dengan Undang-undang dan Peraturan yang berlaku.

Kami selalu memberikan solusi dan pelayanan Jasa Konsultasi Pajak Terbaik dengan didukung partner yang memiliki komitmen yang tinggi, serta staff konsultan pajak professional dan terlatih khususnya di bidang perpajakan di Indonesia.
Hubungan networking yang kuat dalam jajaran korps perpajakan di seluruh Indonesia mempermudah kami dalam menyelesaikan setiap  permasalahan dan kasus perpajakan yang kami hadapi di lapangan.

saco-indonesia.com, Sebuah analisis baru-baru ini telah mengungkapkan bahwa dalam 20 tahun terakhir jumlah es di Alaska semakin

saco-indonesia.com, Sebuah analisis baru-baru ini telah mengungkapkan bahwa dalam 20 tahun terakhir jumlah es di Alaska semakin lama semakin menurun. Data ini telah didapat dari sebuah satelit radar yang telah mengitari beberapa kawasan bumi untuk dapat memantau situasi.

Kemungkinan besar, hal tersebut telah disebabkan oleh pemanasan global atau global warming. Lebih parah lagi, ilmuwan juga mengungkapkan kondisi akan terus berlanjut hingga di tahun-tahun mendatang.

Menurut lansiran Softpedia (3/2), hasil dari penyelidikan juga mengungkapkan bahwa penurunan danau es ini juga merupakan akibat langsung dari perubahan iklim dan pergeseran kecil lainnya terkait habitat serta ekosistem di seluruh dunia.

Jika hal ini terus akan terjadi, bukan tidak mungkin bumi akan merasakan akibatnya. Suhu bumi meningkat drastis. Otomatis, udara akan terasa panas dan semakin panas dari tahun ke tahun.

Beberapa wilayah di penjuru dunia sudah merasakan suhu ekstrem yang tidak wajar. Pemanasan global benar-benar akan menghantui penduduk bumi. Akankah ini terus berlanjut?


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Asus telah memperkenalkan produk tablet terbarunya, FonePad Note FHD6, di ajang Computex 2013, Senin (3/6/2013).

Saco-Indonesia.com — Asus telah memperkenalkan produk tablet terbarunya, FonePad Note FHD6, di ajang Computex 2013, Senin (3/6/2013). Perangkat yang satu ini memiliki layar berukuran 6 inci.

Dengan bentang layar tersebut, sebenarnya produk ini bisa dimasukkan ke kategori phablet, produk "hybrid" antara smartphone dan tablet. Layarnya terlalu kecil untuk diberi label tablet dan terlalu besar untuk disebut sebagai smartphone. Namun, Asus tetap menyebut perangkat ini sebagai tablet.

Produk tersebut dilengkapi dengan sebuah stylus, mirip apa yang dipersenjatai oleh Samsung untuk produk Galaxy Note-nya. Kemungkinan, stylus ini dapat digunakan untuk menulis memo atau menggambar di perangkat tersebut.

Asus FonePad Note dilengkapi layar 6 inci yang mendukung resolusi Full HD 1080p. Jenis layarnya Super IPS-LCD+ yang memiliki tingkat kecerahan 450 nits.

Prosesor yang digunakan adalah buatan Intel, yaitu Atom Z2560 "Clover Trail" dengan kecepatan 1,6GHz dual core. Kecepatan RAM-nya sebesar 2GB.

Tablet ini dilengkapi kamera beresolusi gambar 8 megapiksel di bagian belakangnya. Dikutip dari Phone Arena, Senin (3/6/2013), di bagian depannya, terdapat dua speaker stereo. Smartphone merek lain yang sudah menggunakan dual speaker adalah HTC One.

Sayangnya, Asus tidak menyebutkan kapan pesaing seri Samsung Galaxy Note ini diluncurkan. Harganya pun masih belum dibeberkan.

Editor:Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas

saco-indonesia.com, Perayaan Cap Go Meh di Palembang tidak akan serentak dengan daerah lain. Pasalnya, Cap Go Meh di kota ini du

saco-indonesia.com, Perayaan Cap Go Meh di Palembang tidak akan serentak dengan daerah lain. Pasalnya, Cap Go Meh di kota ini dua hari lebih cepat karena permintaan dari dewa.

Wakil Matrisia Komda Sumsel yang juga merupakan generasi kedua pengurus perayaan Cap Go Meh Pulau Kemaro, Tjik Harun juga mengakui perayaan Cap Go Meh biasanya digelar setiap tanggal 15 pascaperayaan Imlek.

"Cap Go Meh di Palembang tanggal 13 Imlek atau 12 Februari besok. Selain sudah jadi tradisi, dipercepat ini karena permintaan dari dewa," ungkapnya kepada merdeka.com, Selasa (11/2).

Namun, Harun juga tidak menjelaskan lebih rinci alasan permintaan dewa itu. Dirinya hanya menjelaskan akal sehat manusia tidak akan mengerti maksud tersebut. "Kita syukuri saja lebih cepat. Ini berkah bagi kita karena bisa merayakan Cap Go Meh di tempat lain," kata dia.

Menurut dia, Cap Go Meh telah menjadi salah satu tujuan utama etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia, bahkan di dunia. Sebab, perayaannya lebih meriah dan beragam kegiatan digelar. "Di Indonesia, hanya Palembang dan Pontianak yang selalu ramai saat Cap Go Meh," tukasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Tewasnya Feby Lorita yang berusia 31 tahun , telah membuat pelaku kebingungan, jasad perempuan malang terseb

saco-indonesia.com, Tewasnya Feby Lorita yang berusia 31 tahun , telah membuat pelaku kebingungan, jasad perempuan malang tersebut kemudian dimasukkan ke dalam mobil Nisan March F 1356 KA dan selama beberapa hari, dibawa berkeliling Jakarta, Depok dan Bekasi oleh Asido Simangunsong.

“Saya cuma bingung saja mau dibunag kemana. Soalnya mayat itu juga saya bawa pulang lagi ke apartemen, tapi saya biarkan di dalam mobil,” ujarnya.

Berniat untuk dapat melarikan diri, Asido kembali ke unit apartemen Feby dan mengambil televisi serta CPU komputer milik Feby, setelah sebelumnya menjarah perhiasan, uang dan identitas milik korban. “Semuanya saya jual seharga Rp3 juta. Sementara TV dan CPU dititipkan di rumah pacar saya,” imbuhnya.

Menurut dia, karena saat itu di dalam mobil juga sudah mulai tercium bau busuk, ia pun berniat untuk membuang jasad Feby. Sambil membawa mobil berkeliling, Asido pun telah memikirkan lokasi untuk membuang jasad Feby tersebut. Saat itulah ia bertemu dengan kakak kandungnya, Daniel Simangunsong dan mengaku bahwa Feby adalah korban tabrak larinya. “Saya minta bantuan sama dia (Daniel) untuk dapat membantu membuang mayat tersebut,” tuturnya.

Pada Sabtu (25/1) dinihari, keduanya pun berkeliling ke sejumlah tempat dan mencari lokasi untuk membuang jasad Feby. Menurut Asido, saat melintas di kawasan Kalimalang, Jakarta Timur, mereka panik lantaran melihat adanya razia kepolisian di depan Polsek Duren Sawit. Asido pun telah memutuskan untuk membelokkan mobilnya ke arah TPU Pondok Kelapa untuk dapat menghindari razia.

Begitu tiba di TPU tersebut, Asido dan Daniel kemudian turun dari mobil dan meninggalkan mobil berisi jasad Feby. Aki mobilnya sempat mereka ambil untuk digunakan di mobil Daihatsu Xenia miliknya yang sudah lama mangkrak. Di situlah gerak-gerik pelaku akhirnya telah diketahui petugas keamanan.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Dimulai dari ketidakpuasan terhadap perusahaan-perusahaan jasa pengiriman barang antar pulau via laut yang pelayanannya monoton

Dimulai dari ketidakpuasan terhadap perusahaan-perusahaan jasa pengiriman barang antar pulau via laut yang pelayanannya monoton dan lambat pada waktu itu, memerlukan waktu hingga sebulan bahkan lebih untuk berkirim barang ke luar pulau, khususnya ke Indonesia bagian timur, maka kami berusaha mencari moda angkutan yang mampu melayani dengan cepat dan tepat waktu, dengan biaya yang terjangkau, guna memenuhi tenggat dan ketepatan waktu yang bisa diandalkan.

Usaha kami masih sangat kecil dimulai sekitar medio 1994, kami bekerja sama memakai kapal-kapal penumpang yang belum terlalu diketahui oleh pemakai jasa pada saat itu. Kapal-kapal ini melayani angkutan penumpang dan juga kargo dalam jumlah terbatas, mereka melayari dengan persinggahan dibanyak pelabuhan dan kota besar di Indonesia Timur dalam skedul waktu yang ketat dan dengan kecepatan kapal yang bisa menepati jadwal tetapnya.

Kapal-kapal ini adalah milik Negara yang semuanya di operasikan oleh PT. Pelayaran Nasional Indonesia (PT. PELNI), orang awam kini menyebut “kapal putih”. Saat ini sudah 12 tahun lebih kami bermitra usaha dangan PT.PELNI, mengangkut hampir semua kebutuhan bahan pokok, barang kering (dry cargo), maupun barang basah (frozen dan fresh chilled cargo). Bahkan sejak tahun 1998 kapal-kapal PT. PELNI sudah menambah kapal-kapal baru dengan fasilitas angkutan dalam satuan container 200 feet baik dry maupun frozen/reefers container. Variasi angkutan makin komplit sejak PT.PELNI memodifikasi KM.Dobonsolo menjadi kapal pertama berkemampuan “three in one” yang bisa mengangkut penumpang, cargo container, dan kendaraan roda dua dan roda empat.

Saat ini Alois Gemilang telah menjadi perusahaan jasa angkutan yang diandalkan konsumennya di hampir semua tujuan-tujuan penting di Indonesia Timur, sering kali juga menjadi andalan perusahaan-perusahaan milik Negara dan swasta yang mengirim barang dengan prioritas tinggi, contohnya: PT. PLN, PT,TELKOM, TELKOMSEL Tbk, Hypermart Group, PT. Wonokoyo, Walls, Campina dan masih banyak lagi.

Alois Gemilang mempunyai spesialis service untuk jasa pengiriman barang antar pulau.

Setelah asyik bermain di pantai tepatnya di Pulau Untung Jawa di bulan Maret 2013 lalu, perjalanan selanjutnya di bulan April 20

Setelah asyik bermain di pantai tepatnya di Pulau Untung Jawa di bulan Maret 2013 lalu, perjalanan selanjutnya di bulan April 2013 AK dan beberapa teman mengadakan trip menuju Taman Wisata Cibodas dan sekitarnya. Berikut catatan perjalanannya :

Sabtu pagi setelah menunaikan sholat shubuh beberapa teman yang ikut dalam trip ini sudah berkumpul di star point yang ditentukan, beberapa lagi masih ada saja yang belum hadir dikarenakan sibuk dengan barang bawaan. Setelah semuanya kumpul dengan jumlah 8 orang dan mobil Innova serta sopirnya yang udah di booking sebelumnya siap untuk menuju Taman Wisata Cibodas.

Tepatnya jam 5.30 pagi AK dan teman - teman sudah berangkat menuju Taman Wisata Cibodas, hal ini dilakukan agar kami lebih cepat sampai ke sana dan tidak terjebak macet di jalur puncak Bogor. AK dan teman - teman  menikmati pemandangan sepanjang perjalanan dengan diiringi musik pilihan yang telah disediakan, mengobrol sambil menikmati beberapa makanan yang dibawa oleh teman teman cukup untuk menghilangkan suntuk dan bete serta agar suasana menjadi nyaman.

Perjalanan ditempuh sekitar 2 setengah jam dari Jakarta Barat, walaupun sempat kelewat sampai Cipanas karena asyiknya suasana di dalam mobil hingga tidak ada yang perhatikan tanda masuk ke Cibodas. Setelah berbalik arah, mobil pun memasuki kawasan Wisata Cibodas sekitar pukul 8 pagi saat itu.

Setelah membayar dipintu masuk seharga Rp. 9.500/ orang dan 16 ribu untuk mobilnya, kami pun mengitari dengan mobil  beberapa tempat yang asyik di kawasan ini. Akhirnya kamipun sepakat untuk memarkir mobil di parkiran menuju Air terjun Ciismun di kawasan Cibodas ini.

Perjalanan dari parkir mobil menuju air terjun Ciismun ditempuh sekitar setengah jam, melihat indahnya air terjun dan bermain air menjadi semangat kami untuk terus melangkah agar sampai ke tujuan. Dan beberapa momen yang tidak terlewatkan kami abadikan berikut ini :

Terpana adalah kata yang pas buat perasaan kami saat sampai di air terjun Ciismun ini, air terjun yang tersembunyi ini sangat memukau penglihatan kami kala itu, ditambah suasana pagi yang sepi saat itu serasa hanya kami yang menikmati keindahan air terjun Ciismun ini.  Beberapa dari kami langsung bermain air di air terjun ini, beberapa yang lain menikmati pemandangan air terjun yang memukau sambil mencari spot untuk berphoto ria.

Setelah kurang lebih 1 jam di air terjeun Ciismun, kami pun bersiap - siap untuk melakukan perjalanan kembali ke area parkir mobil, karena lelahnya perjalanan saat itu kami pun siap untuk  menikmati makan siang yang kami bawa dari rumah sambil menikmati hijaunya alam Cibodas.

Setelah menikmati makan siang kami kembali mengelilingi kawasan Cibodas dengan mobil, beberapa saat mobil berhenti agar kami bisa menikmati  hamparan  taman hijau yang  luas  atau pemandangan kolam air mancur yang indah serta gunung dan pohon pohon yang rindang.

Sebenarnya masih banyak area menarik di kawasan ini yang belum sempat kami kunjungi namun karena waktu sudah siang dan kami ingin melanjutkan perjalanan selanjutnya, kami pun segera menuju pintu keluar 2 dari kawasan Cibodas menuju parkiran air terjun Cibereum yang dekat dengan pintu masuk wisata Mandalawangi di kawasan Taman Nasional Gunung Gede Pangrango.

Namun sebelumnya kami santai sejenak di area parkir sambil menikmati beberapa jajanan yang ada di area ini, melaksanakan sholat dan bersih bersih di wc yang ada di area ini dengan membayar Rp. 2000 untuk buang air kecil dan Rp. 3000 untuk mandi dan buang air besar.

Sekitar kurang lebih pukul 13.00 kami pun mulai perjalanan menuju air terjun Cibereum yang berada 1.675 diatas permukaan laut ini harus kami daki sekitar 1 jam. Setelah membayar tiket di pintu masuk Rp. 2.500/ orang kami pun mulai memasuki jalan berbatu di tengah hutan.

Perjalanan menuju air terjun Cibereum ini amat sangat melelahkan, melewati hutan yang gelap walau kadang ada jalan yang sudah bagus. Sesaat berjalan kami harus istirahat sejenak untuk menghilangkan rasa lelah dan letih seraya memberi semangat kepada teman teman untuk sampai ke tujuan.

Setelah berjuang sepanjang jalan dengan keringat yang bercucuran, akhirnya air terjun Cibereum dapat kami taklukan. Kami pun hanya bisa bengong  melihat indahnya alam yang mempesona ini dan ternyata ada 2 air terjun lain yang berdekatan dengan air terjun Cibereum ini.  Sungguh menakjubkan, kami pun tak lupa mengabadikan momen ini.

Perasaan bangga dan bahagia bersatu dalam jiwa kami saat berada di tempat yang jauh ini, rasa lelah dan letih seakan sirna dengan sampainya kami di tempat ini. Kami pun mulai menikmati  suasana ramai saat itu, sesekali bermain air dan makan makanan yang kami sudah siapkan.

Ketika waktu sudah sore, kamipun mulai melangkah turun menuju parkiran mobil, sesampainya disana dan sebelum meninggalkan kawasan wisata tak lupa kami membeli beberapa oleh - oleh seperti sandal, kaos, tas, makanan ringan dan sayur - sayuran dengan harga terjangkau tentunya.

Akhirnya usai sudah perjalanan kali ini, mobilpun bergegas menuju Jakarta, sesaat kami berhenti di kawasan Puncak Bogor untuk sejenak menikmati indahnya hamparan kebun teh di Kawasan Wisata Gunung Mas. Demikian

Semberani Rent adalah penyedia sewa Mobil Semarang yang terkenal nyaman tapi murah / harga terjangkau. sewa mobil ini beroperasi

Semberani Rent adalah penyedia sewa Mobil Semarang yang terkenal nyaman tapi murah / harga terjangkau. sewa mobil ini beroperasi di daerah Semarang, Pati, Jepara, Kudus, Demak, dan Rembang. Semberani Rent telah melayani jasa rental untuk semua kebutuhan transportasi, meliputi sewa mobil untuk pribadi / perorangan, paket wisata, rombongan pernikahan, atau keperluan instansi / perusahaan.

Semberani Rent terdaftar sebagai perusahaan sewa mobil dengan nama CV Semberani dengan nomor izin W12-U10/43/HK.02.02/II/2013. Sebagai penyedia jasa sewa Mobil juga secara profesional melayani antar jemput ke atau dari Bandara Ahmad Yani Semarang, Bandara Adi Sumarmo Solo, Bandara International Juanda Surabaya, Stasiun Kereta Api Tawang Semarang, Terminal Bus Terboyo, Pelabuhan Tanjung Mas Semarang, dan lokasi lainnya.

Seluruh armada Semberani Rent adalah mobil baru keluaran 2012 dan 2013 yang telah dilengkapi asuransi All Risk. Mobil rental Semberani Rent selalu mendapat perawatan / service berkala di Bengkel Resmi Toyota dan Daihatsu (Auto2000). Setiap layanan rental mobil juga dilengkapi driver / sopir pribadi yang sangat berpengalaman, ramah, dan sopan. Yang paling penting, semua sopir Semberani Rent sangat mengenal medan / jalan di seluruh Pantura – Jawa Tengah, dan mengutamakan keselamatan penumpang. Oleh karena itu sewa Mobil Semarang ini telah menjamin rasa aman, nyaman, praktis dan ekonomis untuk semua pelanggan rental mobil selama dalam perjalanan.

Latar Belakang Rental Mobil Semarang

Hadirnya jasa sewa Mobil Semarang murah tapi mewah ini didasari atas kebutuhan adanya layanan rental transportasi pribadi yang nyaman dan aman tapi dengan harga terjangkau di Semarang, Pati, Jepara, dan sekitarnya. Sewa mobil Semarang ini juga melayani antar jemput ke dan dari Bandara Ahmad Yani Semarang. Pelanggan dari Stasiun Tawang Semarang pun juga dimudahkan dengan layanan sewa mobil ini.

Kemudahan dalam mendapatkan informasi layanan sewa Mobil ini sangat diharapkan. Dengan mengetikkan “Rental Mobil Semarang” di Google, untuk bisa mendapatkan layanan Rental Mobil terbaik dengan harga murah. Rental Mobil Semarang ya Semberani Rent. Terpenuhinya kebutuhan Rental Mobil Semarang tersebut merupakan kondisi yang sangat bagus untuk mendorong kemajuan pariwisata di Jawa Tengah.

Nama Semberani diambil dari cerita legenda masyarakat tempo dulu yang menggambarkan seekor kuda bersayap yang dapat terbang dan sangat berani. Kuda Semberani merupakan alat transportasi bagi Raja, Ratu, dan Senopati, agar dapat sampai ke tujuan dengan mudah dan cepat.

Cihampelas adalah salah satu tempat wisata di Bandung yang sangat favorit bagi pelancong. Khususnya untuk dapat menemukan berbag

Cihampelas adalah salah satu tempat wisata di Bandung yang sangat favorit bagi pelancong. Khususnya untuk dapat menemukan berbagai jenis pakaian dengan bahan dasar jeans. Tidak salah daerah ini pun telah disebut dengan jeans street. Selain mendagangkan berbagai pakaian dengan berbagai model, uniknya jika berbelanja di sini, anda akan ditemani oleh tokoh-tokoh kartun atau komik seperti Spideman, Superman, Hulk, Aladin dan lain lain dalam ukuran raksasa. Karena bangunan FO (Factory Outlet) telah dilengkapi dengan relief tokoh tokoh kartun tersebut. Selain terkenal dengan sentra penjualan pakaian berbahan dasar Jeans, Cihampelas Bandung pun juga di kenal sebagai sentra oleh oleh Bandung.

Setiap libur panjang atau libur akhir pekan, tidak aneh jalan satu arah yang telah muat dua mobil secara paralel ini macet. Meskipun demikian tetap saja daerah ini juga banyak dikunjungi oleh para pelancong. Banyak pelancong yang datang ke Cihampelas bukan lagi bermaksud untuk memburu busana berbahan jins yang kualitasnya bagus dan harga terjangkau, melainkan memburu beragam pakaian jadi sisa ekspor yang ada di sejumlah factory outlet di sana.

Busana jins yang telah ditawarkan di Cihampelas Jeans street ini sangat beragam. Selain bervariasi dan kualitasnya bagus, harganya pun juga sangat terjangkau. Dekorasi yang dipajang setiap toko pun juga sangat beragam dan indah dipandang. Bahkan di antaranya ada dekorasi toko yang sengaja memasang tokoh-tokoh kartun jagoan dunia seperti Superman dan Spiderman. Pemasangan tokoh-tokoh itu tiada lain sebagai daya tarik bagi para pengunjung. Dan menambanh keunikan sendiri.

Masih di Cihampelas, pelancong pun juga dapat menikmati keindahan Cihampelas di Cihampelas Walk , dengan menginap di salah satu hotel yang ada di Cihampelas, toko aksesoris, dan menikmati makanan yang ada d sini. Untuk bisa mendapatkan makanan buat ole-oleh pelancong bisa mendapatkan bronis peuyeum, selain rasa yang original, peuyeum juga dapat di kombinasi makan yang modern seperti keju bisa di dapat di Jl. Kihiur no. 44, Bandung (belakang SD Priangan - Jl. Cilaki bawah) atau Putri Snack (Jl. Cihampelas), Sam's Strawberry Corner - Dago, Karya Umbi - Cihampelas, dan S-28 .

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

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At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

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Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

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Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

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Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

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Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

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Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

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The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

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The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”