Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung
Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung
Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung
Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung
Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung
Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung
Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung
Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung
Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung
Salam hangat dari Jepun Bali Car Rental,
Jepun Bali Car Rental adalah penyedia jasa sewa mobil murah terbaik di Bali. Spesial
Salam hangat dari Jepun Bali Car Rental,
Jepun Bali Car Rental adalah penyedia jasa sewa mobil murah terbaik di Bali. Spesialisasi kami adalah untuk dapat menyediakan pelayanan transportasi sewa mobil dengan sistem point-to-point Airport, Hotel, dan personal atau group transportasi, baik dalam rangka perjalanan wisata ataupun untuk tujuan Bisinis di Bali.
Supir-supir profesional kami dari Jepun Bali car Rental dengan senang hati akan mengantarkan anda ke tujuan untuk berbagai kerperluan seperti executive meeting, outing perusahaan, atau pun untuk berwisata.
Jepun Bali Car Rental dengan cepat membangun reputasinya dalam bidang usaha transportasi khususnya dalam bidang sewa mobil di Bali. Anda juga dapat menghubungi kami melalui telephone ataupun e-mail untuk dapat mengalami komitmen kami untuk selalu memberikan pelayanan yang terbaik, dan anda pun akan mengerti mengapa client-client kami mempercayakan pilihannya kepada kami dalam hal jasa transportasi sewa mobil di Bali.
Jepun Bali Car Rental sangat mengerti bahwa waktu dari client kami adalah hal yang sangat penting. Sebagai penyedia sarana transportasi sewa mobil profesional di Bali, team kami akan memastikan anda akan sampai ke tujuan dengan nyaman, aman dan tepat waktu.
Sebagai penyedia sarana transportasi sewa mobil, Jepun Bali Car Rental menawarkan jenis-jenis pelayanan sebagai berikut :
Pelayanan penjeputan dan pengembalian mobil di Airport ataupun Hotel
Sewa mobil untuk di kemudikan sendiri (tanpa supir)
Jasa sewa mobil dalam jangka waktu pendek dan panjang
Paket sewa mobil untuk personal atau group
Pembebasan biaya atas pengantaran dan pengembalian mobil yang di sewa
Jasa sewa mobil dengan supir yang profesional dan berpengalaman dalam jasa layanan transportasi personal dan eksekutif
Charter Bus Pariwisata
Mengapa memilih jasa sewa mobil dari Jepun Bali Car Rental ?
Jepun Bali Car Rental adalah mitra anda yang dapat dipercaya
Kepuasan anda adalah prioritas utama dari Jepun Bali Car Rental
Jepun Bali Car Rental memberikan pelayanan yang aman dan terjamin
Jepun Bali Car Rental selalu menyediakan model mobil - mobil terbaru dengan kondisi mobil yang terawat secara teratur
Jepun Bali Car Rental menyediakan fasilitas mobil pengganti apabila terjadi kerusakan atau kecelakaan
Mobil-mobil yang kami sewakan telah di asuransikan
Jepun Bali Car Rental telah terdaftar di institusi publik
Silahkan anda membuka halaman Harga Sewa Mobil kami untuk mengetahui berbagai jenis type mobil yang kami tawarkan
TERAPI AKUPUNTUR UNTUK VERTIGO
Pusing tujuh keliling (vertigo) merupakan suatu gejala yang sering menyertai gangguan alat keseimbangan dalam telinga tengah, pa
Pusing tujuh keliling (vertigo) merupakan suatu gejala yang sering menyertai gangguan alat keseimbangan dalam telinga tengah, pada kasus ringan, gejala pusing tujuh keliling dapat hilang atau mereda dengan menutup mata, tetapi pada kasus berat gejala pusing tujuh keliling sedemikian hebat sehingga seolah-olah seperti mabuk perjalanan disertai rasa mual, muntah dan keringat dingin.
Gejala pusing tujuh keliling dapat merupakan gejala dari hipertensi (tekanan darah tinggi) pengerasan pembuluh nadi (arteriosclerosis) neurosis atau gangguan telinga.
ETIOLOGI DAN PATOGENESIS DALAM AKUPUNTUR
a. EKSES YANG LIVER
Liver atau hati yang berunsur kayu dan angin memiliki ciri bergerak dan naik keatas. Kecemasan, depresi dan marah dapat merusak Yin hati sehingga Yang hati ekses.
Pusing tujuh keliling terjadi apabila Yang hati bergerak seperti angin yang naik menyerang otak. Atau biasanya defisiensi air ginjal menyebabkan kegagalan untuk member Qi ke Hati.
Pusing tujuh keliling terjadi karena Hati kekurangan energy sehingga menimbulkan ekses Yang Hati, kadang terjadi defisiensi pada bagian bawah tubuh dan ekses pada bagian atas tubuh bersamaan.
DEFISIENSI QI DAN DARAH
Jantung dan Limpa dapat rusak oleh kerja yang berlebihan, kurang istirahat atau kelemahan tubuh setelah sakit berat, Limpa yang rusak gagal membentuk Qi dan darah sehingga terjadi defisiensi Qi dan darah. Pada defisiensi Qi dan darah di daerah otak akan menimbulkan pusing tujuh keliling.
c. SUMBATAN RIAK LEMBAB DARI DALAM
Pada riak lembab yang berlebihan, makan yang tidak teratur dan kerja terlampau keras dapat mengganggu lambung dan Limpa, sehingga fungsi transportasi dan transformasi terganggu. Akibat gangguan tersebut terjadi pembentukan riak lembab, riak dan Qi dapat menggangu naiknya Yang dan turunnya Yin sehingga menimbulkan pusing tujuh keliling.
a. Ekses Yang Hati
Gejala Utama :
· Pusing tujuh keliling yang meningkat pada keadaan marah serta mudah tersinggung
· Muka merah, mata merah
· Telingan berdenging
· Rasa pahit dimulut
· Gangguan mimpi
· Lidah merah dan selaput lidah kuning
· Denyut nadi tegang dan cepat
· Marah merusak Yin Hati menyebabkan ekese Yang Hati yang menimbulkan api
· Api yang membumbung ke atas membuat muka merah, mata merah dan mudah tersinggung
· Semangat yand disimpan di Hati terganggu sehingga terjadi gangguan mimpi
· Lidah merah dengan selaput lidah kuning, rasa pahit dimulut, denyut nadi tegang dan cepat merupakan tanda defisiensi Yin akibat ekses Api.
b. DEFISIENSI QI DAN DARAH
Gejala Utama :
· Pusing tujuh keliling diikuti oleh pucat, lelah dan lesu, berdebar-debar, sulit tidur, bibir dan kuku pucat, malas, lebih pucat serta nadi lemah dan kecil.
· Pusing tujuh keliling terjadi setelah penyakit berat atau banyak kehilangan darah dan semakin nyata setelah kerja berat.
· Pada kasus berat kadang terjadi hilang kesadaran.
· Pusing tujuh keliling terjadi karena gagalnya Qi dan darah sampai di kepala
· Jantung mendominasi darah dan limpa mendominasi transportasi dan transformasi untuk pembentukan Qi dan darah.
· Bila jantung dan Limpa rusak Qi dan darah kurang mencukupi sehingga warna kulit tidak bercahaya, serta kuku dan bibir rusak
· Defisiensi darah menimbulkan berdebar-debar dan sulit tidur, sedangkan defisiensi Qi menimbulkan kelesuan, malas kurang nafsu makan, yang meningkat akibat kerja berat
· Lidah pucat, nadi lemah dan kecil merupakan tanda-tanda defisiensi Qi dan darah.
c. SUMBATAN RIAK LEMBAB DARI DALAM
Gejala Utama :
· Pusing tujuh keliling dengan rasa berat kepala dan rasa tertekan didada
· Mual, riak yang berlebihan, kurang nafsu makan, mengantuk, selaput lidah putih dan lengket serta nadi yang lembut dan bergelombang.
· Pusing tujuh keliling dengan rasa berat dikepala merupakan gejala gangguan Yang sejati oleh riak lembab.
· Rasa tertekan didada dan mual disebabkan oleh obstruksi daerah Qiao tengah.
· Kurang nafsu makan dan mengantuk disebabkan oleh defisiensi Yang Limpa
· Selaput lidah yang putih dan lengket serta nadi lembut dna bergelombang merupakan tanda peningkatan riak lembab.
a. Dipilih titik pada meridian Hati dan Ginjal untuk meningkatkan Ying dan menenangkan Yang
b. Tusukan tonifikasi dan sedasi dipilih sesuai dengan kondisi penyakit
c. Biasanya dipilih titik-titik
1. GB 20 Fengchi (fungce)
2. BL 18 Ganshu
3. KI 3 Taixi
4. BL 23 Shenshu
5. LR 2 Xingjian
· Tusukan tonifikasi dilakukan pada : BL 23 Shensu dan KI 3 Taixi untuk menambah air ginjal
· Tusukan sedasi dilakukan pada : BL 18, LR 2 dan GB 20 untuk menenangkan Yang Hati.
b. DEFISIENSI QI DAN DARAH
· Dipilih titik meridian REN, Kandung kemih dan lambung dengan cara tonifikasi (kadang dimoksa) untuk menambah Qi dan darah.
Titik yang dipilih adalah :
GV20, BL20, CV4, ST36 dan SP6
· Moksibusi pada GV20 mengakibatkan naiknya Qi dan darah ke kepala sehingga menurunkan pusing
· CV4 digunakan untuk memperkuat Qi primer dan BL20 SP6 untuk memperkuat Limpa dan Lambung untuk membentuk Qi darah
c. RETENSI RIAK LEMBAB DARI DALAM
Pemilihan titik Asosiasi (Su-belakang) dan titik Waspada (Alarm, Mu depan) dari Limpa dan Lambung merupakan upaya untuk menghilangkan lender dan menurunkan lembab.
Titik yang dipilih :
1. ST 8 Touwei
2. BL 20 Pishu
3. CV 12 Zhongwan
4. PC 6 Neiguan
5. BL 40 Fenglong
· BL 20 Pishu dan CV12 Zhongwan untuk memperkuat Limpa dan lambung sehingga menurunkan riak lembab
· ST40 Fenglong merupakan titik Luo meridian lambung sehingga Qi menurun dan menghilangkan riak
· ST8 Touwei sebagai terapi simptomatik pusing tujuh keliling
· PC6 neiquan untuk merelaksasikan dada, mengatur Qi serta menyelaraskan Qi lambung untuk menghilangkan mual
TIPS - PEMAKAIAN AC HEMAT LISTRIK
Kecenderungan penghematan energi tidak sekadar lantaran isu global warming. Lebih dari itu, penghematan energi pun juga benar-be
Kecenderungan penghematan energi tidak sekadar lantaran isu global warming. Lebih dari itu, penghematan energi pun juga benar-benar terhubung lewat mengoreksi perilaku, dengan begitu anda juga dapat lebih bisa menjadi satu bersama alam. Sektor rumah tangga memakan kurang lebih 10,3 persen dari keseluruhan energi di tanah air. Pemanfaatan energi terbanyak berpangkal dari pemakaian sparepart ac yang salah, ac serta kulkas. Maka apabila berniat untuk mengawali penghematan listrik, cermati sparepart ac kebutuhan kedua peranti itu, baru dari sana anda dapat merintis
Seberapa banyak penghematan yang dapat anda kerjakan lewat untuk mengganti konsumsi peranti listrik di tempat tinggal anda? Lihat sejumlah metode mengirit energi di rumah layaknya yang dijelaskan tim Energy Efficiency and Conservation Clearing House Indonesia (EECHI) selanjutnya ini :
1. Pendingin Ruang (AC) juga mampu untuk menghemat 130 ribu setiap bulan
Apabila Anda hendak berhemat, gantilah budaya Anda memakai AC di bawah 24 derajat C. Kecuali tubuh lebih bugar, temperatur ideal 24 -25 derajat C pun juga dapat berpeluang mengirit listrik sampai 130 ribu setiap bulan. Tiap-tiap mengurangi temperatur 1 derajat C untuk AC, untuk itu konsumsi listrik naik 6 persen. Anda pun juga dapat membersihkan dengan rutin filter, kondensor, juga koil AC. AC kotor merupakan inefisiensi energi. Kecuali itu, Anda hendaknya menutup akses udara keluar semacam jendela, pintu,juga bukaan lain supaya udara dingin tidak terbiar percuma.
2. Pemakaian Lampu mampu menghemat 55 ribu setiap bulan
Gantilah setiap lampu pijar menggunakan Compact Fluorescent Light (lampu hemat energi). CFL juga mampu mengirit lebih dari 50 persen biaya listrik. Kecuali itu, Anda juga dapat mematikan lampu bilamana tak dipakai. Pemeliharaan lampu (membersihkannya dari debu) pun dapat meniadakan kans penurunan daya penerangan sampai 5 persen. Guna mengirit listrik, hendaknya matikan setiap alat elektronik kala tak dipakai. Cabutlah kabel listrik dari stop kontak. Energi tetap terbiar percuma ketika kabel terus pada kondisi stand by. Penghematan paling banyak dapat ditempuh lewat menukar komputer desktop menggunakan laptop. Pengiritannya sampai-sampai menembus lima kali ketimbang komputer desktop.
3. Kulkas mampu menghemat hingga 10 ribu setiap bulan
Aturlah temperatur ideal kulkas di 2 hingga 4 derajat C. Sementara pada freezer, temperatur boleh diatur di 17 – 15 derajat C. Lebih baik Anda pun menukar kulkas yang telah lebih dari 10 thn.. Hal tersebut juga dapat memangkas biaya listrik sampai 75 persen. Sebagai pengiritan optimal, Anda dapat juga memangkas frekuensi membuka pintu kulkas lantaran 7 persen energi terbuang percuma ketika pintu terbuka kelewat kerap juga kelewat lama.
Penghematan semestinya ditempuh atas kesadaran, tidak keterpaksaan. So, pengiritan tidak mesti menurunkan kenyamanan bekerja, namun malahan dapat menambah produktivitas serta derajat kesehatan. Nah, bila mengikuti pengiritan layaknya di atas, pengiritan pemakaian listrik Anda dapat menembus sampai 2,8 juta setiap tahun! Sangat banyak yang bisa dihemat.
Naik Transjakarta Lewat Tol Dalam Kota, Jokowi Kaget
JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Wah Bapak Gubernur DKI Jakarta Joko Widodo terkejut ketika transjakarta yang ditumpanginya masuk ke dalam tol.
JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Wah Bapak Gubernur DKI Jakarta Joko Widodo terkejut ketika transjakarta yang ditumpanginya masuk ke dalam tol. Jokowi mengira seluruh transjakarta yang beroperasi di Jakarta melintas sesuai jalurnya.
Jokowi naik transjakarta setelah meresmikan peluncuran 30 bus baru transjakarta di Selter Pinang Ranti, Makasar, Jakarta Timur, Kamis (30/1/2014) siang. Selepas dari Selter Pinang Ranti, bus masuk ke Tol Dalam Kota. Jokowi yang duduk di kabin transjakarta bagian belakang tampak terkejut dan sempat ragu apakah rute ini benar atau tidak.
"Loh, loh, kok masuk tol ini ya?" tanya Jokowi kepada Kepala Dinas Perhubungan DKI Jakarta Udar Pristono.
"Iya Pak, memang masuk. Nanti keluar di Tol Cawang, lewat Gatot Subroto, langsung terus ke Pluit," jawab Pristono.
"Oo, baru tau saya, bener loh. Ya, saya yang koridor ini memang baru naik kali ini saja sih," ujar Jokowi.
Perjalanan rombongan Jokowi tersebut pun berakhir di Selter Pancoran. Dari situ, rombongan melanjutkan perjalanan dengan bus kota terintegrasi busway atau BKTB (bus sedang) ke salah satu rumah makan di bilangan Pancoran, Jakarta Selatan.
Sebelumnya diberitakan, Pemprov DKI mendatangkan 310 bus baru transjakarta pada 2014 ini. Dari jumlah itu, telah datang 90 bus (termasuk yang diluncurkan Kamis siang ini). Sementara sisa bus lain akan berlanjut hingga akhir Februari 2014 mendatang.
Sebanyak 30 bus pertama beroperasi di dua koridor, yakni Koridor II ekspres Pulogadung-Senayan dan Koridor III, yakni ekspres Kalideres-Harmoni-Bundaran Senayan. Sementara 30 bus selanjutnya beroperasi di Koridor 8 ekspres Ancol-PGC dan Koridor 3 Lebak Bulus-Harmoni. Adapun 30 bus ini hanya beroperasi di Koridor 9, yakni Pinang Ranti-Pluit.
Editor : Maulana Lee
UMRAH PLUS WISATA MUSLIM
Liburan sudah menjadi kebutuhan untuk dapat menikmati hari-hari penuh kesegaran disela-sela padatnya aktifitas rutin sehari-hari
Liburan sudah menjadi kebutuhan untuk dapat menikmati hari-hari penuh kesegaran disela-sela padatnya aktifitas rutin sehari-hari. waktu liburan adalah waktu yang tepat untuk merencanakan isata ketempat-tempat yang belum pernah dikunjungi, Namun pada saat yang sama naluri kita sebagai umat muslim pasti ingin mengunjungi Baitullah di Mekkah supaya dapat secara langsung bersujud syukur di Tempat suci bagi umat muslim tersebut.
Bagi sebagian orang yang memiliki waktu banyak bukanlah suatu permasalahan, Akan tetapi hal tersebut tidak berlaku untuk yang memiliki kesibukan baik sebagai karyawan maupun pebisnis yang menyita begitu banyak waktu sehingga Anda akan menjadi bingung memilih antara melakukan ibadah umroh atau berwista ke tempat lainya. Namun Apakah ada program paket umroh plus wisata muslim ?
Tentunya ada, paket umroh plus wisata muslim kini hadir untuk anda, dimana nikmatnya Ibadah Umroh diiringi dengan wisata ala seorang muslim ke tempat-tempat eksotis diseluruh dunia dalam satu program perjalanan atau di sebut Paket Umroh Plus Wisata Muslim
Kenapa Harus Paket Umroh Plus Wisata Muslim
Ada kecendrungan bagi sebagian Muslim yang berwisata ke negara-negara non muslim akan mengalami kesulitan menemukan makanan halal ataupun tempat-tempat ibadah. Paket Umroh Plus Wisata Muslim membantu anda untuk dapat menikmati suasana panorama negara-negara yang ada di dunia tanpa harus kebingungan mencari makanan halal maupun tempat beribadah.
Travel haji dan umroh plus rahmatan Lil Alamin yang menangani perjalanan Haji dan Umrah, mengadakan paket umrah plus wisata muslim ke negara muslim dan non-muslim. Diantaranya ada umrah plus Kairo, umrah plus Dubai, umrah plus Istambul, paket umroh plus eropa dan paket umroh plus hongkong . Biaya dan service bervariatif termasuk tempat-tempat bersejarah yang akan dikunjungi.
saco-indonesia.com, 3 Pemuda yaitu Rio M Saragi (22), Tedi Wibowo (26) dan Messakh George (22) telah diamuk massa. Ketiga ttelah
saco-indonesia.com, 3 Pemuda yaitu Rio M Saragi (22), Tedi Wibowo (26) dan Messakh George (22) telah diamuk massa. Ketiga ttelah dihajar usai melakukan pengeroyokan terhadap Yulianto yang berusia (26) tahun .
Kejadian tersebut bermula saat korban Yulianto, pengendara motor telah terlibat kecelakaan dengan kakak Rio. Rio yang tidak terima kemudian mendatangi Yulianto. Namun Rio tidak datang sendiri, dia datang bersama Tedi Wibowo dan Messakh George.
Messakh saat itu datang dengan mengenakan seragam Polisi Militer (PM) berpangkat Serka. Yulianto dan Rio Cs akhirnya telah terlibat cekcok. Ketiga pelaku lalu memukuli Yulianto.
Kalah jumlah, Yulianto lalu berteriak meminta pertolongan warga sekitar di Gang Keramat, Jagakarsa, Jakarta Selatan, Selasa (4/2) dinihari pukul 01.30 WIB.
"Para pelaku telah menuntut ganti rugi, tetapi korban ngotot sehingga telah terjadi cekcok mulut hingga pengeroyokan," ujar Kapolsek Jagakarsa, Kompol Herawaty, Selasa (4/2).
Warga yang telah mendengar teriakan Yulianto tersebut langsung mendatangi lokasi. Warga yang telah melihat 3 orang salah satunya berpakaian militer akhirnya menolong Yulianto.
Warga pun beramai-ramai memukuli ketiganya hingga babak belur. Dari hasil penyelidikan tersebut , seragam PM yang dipakai Messakh ternyata milik kakeknya, dengan kata lain Messakh adalah PM gadungan.
"Menurut pengakuannya pelaku seragam memakai baju dinas PM juga merupakan punya kakeknya yang pensiunan anggota TNI," tandasnya.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
MENGGUNAKAN BATAKO LEBIH HEMAT
Salah satu bagian terpenting dalam membangun sebuah bangunan / rumah adalah dinding. Semakin majunya zaman, teknik membuat bangu
Salah satu bagian terpenting dalam membangun sebuah bangunan / rumah adalah dinding. Semakin majunya zaman, teknik membuat bangunan dan bahan-bahan yang di gunakan sebagi pembuat dinding rumah sangat bervariatif. Hal tersebut tidak terlepas seiring perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi serta semakin minimnya sumber bahan baku berupa tanah liat sebagai bahan batu bata merah. Namun di era modern saat ini sangat beraneka ragam, mulai dari hebel, bata ringan, batako, paving dll.
PEMBUATAN BATAKO PRES
Batako adalah bahan banguanan yang terbuat dari campuran pasir, semen yang dicetak atau di press padat, selain itu batako juga dapat dibuat dari bahan batu tras, kapur dan air. Batako pres dibuat dari campuran semen PC dan pasir atau abu batu. Ada yang dibuat secara manual (menggunakan tangan), ada juga yang menggunakan mesin press batako. Perbedaannya bisa dilihat pada kepadatan permukaan batakonya. Umumnya memiliki ukuran panjang 36-40 cm, tebal 8–10 cm, dan tinggi 18-20 cm. Untuk dinding seluas 1 m2, kira-kira membutuhkan:
Batako pres = 15 buah
Semen PC = 0,125 sak
Pasir ayak (pasir pasang} = 0,015 m3
• Kelebihan dinding batako press:
Kedap air sehingga sangat kecil kemungkinan terjadinya rembesan air.
Pemasangan lebih cepat.
Penggunaan rangka beton pengakunya lebih luas, antara 9 – 12 m2.
Setelah batako jadi, baik di buat dengan press cetak manual atau mesin press batako, hasilnya secara fisik , batako memiliki rongga kosong di bagian dalamnya. Bagian tersebut berfungsi sebagai insulasi panas, juga sebagai insulasi suara. Dengan tujuan bisa menciptakan kondisi dalam ruangan yang menggunakan materi batako terasa relatif lebih sejuk dan nyaman.
• Kekurangan dinding batako pres:
Mudah terjadi retak rambut pada dinding.
Mudah dilubangi karena terdapat lubang pada bagian sisi dalamnya
Kekurangan ini yang membuat sebagian orang kurang suka menggunakan batako sebagai material dinding rumahnya. Namun , kendala tersebut dapat diatasi dengan penggunaan penggantung yang bersifat suction-cup hooks dan strong-adhesive hooks yang berdaya rekat tinggi. Penggantung multi-adhesive ini memiliki sifat pemasangan dan pelepasan yang relatif mudah. Dari harganya yang murah di bandingkan dengan bata merah, bangunan yang dibuat dengan batako akan menghemat pengeluaran uang untuk membuat banguanan. Selanjutnya jika ada anggapan bahwa batako kurang kokoh, bisa di atasi dengan menambah campuran material dasar batako dengan ampas tebu. Ampas tebu tersebut akan memberikan hasil yang lebih kuat, ringan dan tahan lama serta tentunya harganya lebih terjangkau.
TEMPAT WISATA TAMAN LAUT BUNAKEN
Pulau Sulawesi terkenal dengan keindahan laut merupakan salah satu Taman Nasional Bunaken terletak di Sulawesi Utara dan berjara
Pulau Sulawesi terkenal dengan keindahan laut merupakan salah satu Taman Nasional Bunaken terletak di Sulawesi Utara dan berjarak ± 8 km dari daratan Kota Manado. Lokasinya cukup strategis untuk membuatnya mudah untuk taman dikunjungi oleh wisatawan baik dari domestik maupun dari luar negeri.Taman Nasional Bunaken merupakan satu-satu tujuan rekreasi bagi wisatawan diminati wisatawan domestik dan asing yang cukup.
Kegiatan yang dapat dilakukan di Taman Nasional Laut Bunaken adalah seperti berjemur di pantai, berenang di laut, menyelam (diving), snorkeling, menjelajahi hutan di sekitar Taman Laut pantai.Secara keseluruhan Taman Nasional memiliki luas wilayah 75.265 hektar di yang terdapat lima pulau, yaitu Pulau Bunaken, Pulau Manado Tua, Pulau Siladen, Pulau Mantehage bersama dengan beberapa pulau dan anak terakhir Pulau Naen. Meskipun hal ini Taman laut ini memiliki lima pulau yang berdekatan, hanya yang paling terkenal Bunaken Island sebagai tempat menyelam.
Kawasan Park pada tahun 1991 sebagai taman laut nasional yang diresmikan oleh Menteri Kelautan dan berfungsi sebagai objek wisata bahari dan pendidikan serta melihat potensi kegiatan ekologi alam dan konservasi laut daerah ini. Selain kegiatan wisata, taman laut yang sangat baik untuk pengembangan pengetahuan pendidikan orang dewasa dan anak-anak tentang sumber daya alam dan laut.
Taman Nasional Laut Bunaken adalah salah satu taman laut paling indah di dunia, terkenal dengan formasi karang yang sangat indah dan luas. taman laut juga merupakan habitat lebih dari 3000 jenis ikan yang perlu dijaga dari kepunahan, seperti lolosi ikan ekor kuning (Lutjanus kasmira), kuda ikan gusumi (hippocampus kuda), goropa (spilotoceps ephinephelus), OCI putih (seriola rivoliana ) dan banyak orang lain juga telah memiliki keragaman spesies langka organisme air seperti lumba-lumba, sapi laut, dugong-dugong dan juga telah memiliki berbagai jenis ikan hias yang sangat indah.
Taman Nasional Bunaken telah memiliki wilayah yang cukup besar untuk dapat melakukan penyelaman, meskipun masih terbatas hanya lokasi penyelaman di sekitar pantai yang telah mengelilingi kelima pulau, hal ini juga dilakukan untuk keselamatan pengunjung dan untuk memfasilitasi petugas dalam mengawasi para pengunjung pantai.
Pengunjung juga dapat menyelam dan menyaksikan ikan tropis dan terumbu karang yang menakjubkan dan indah sehingga pengunjung dijamin akan kagum melihat dan tidak dapat melupakannya.
Untuk diving, Taman Laut Taman Nasional juga merupakan salah menyelam 10 tempat di dunia yang paling populer.
Ada 20 poin dimana menyelam (dive spot) dengan kedalaman bervariasi hingga 1.344 meter di wilayah taman laut ini. Dari 20 poin menyelam, 12 poin di antaranya di sekitar Pulau Bunaken dan paling sering dikunjungi oleh penyelam dan wisatawan.
Marine fenomena alam yang ada di TN Bunaken adalah unik dan hampir pasti tidak akan ditemukan di taman laut lainnya. Taman laut ini juga telah memiliki keunikkan sebuah dinding karang raksasa yang berdiri vertikal dan melengkung ke atas atau disebut tembok besar air atau dinding gantung. dinding Rock adalah juga sumber mana makanan bagi ikan di perairan sekitar Pulau Bunaken.
Akses ke Taman Laut Nasional Bunaken
Untuk dapat mengunjungi taman ini, pengunjung juga dapat menggunakan perahu motor sewaan berangkat dari pantai di kota teluk Manado terhadap taman laut.
Sekitar lokasi hotel yang tersedia, resort, homestay, kolam renang, restoran, kantor pos, menara, gerbang, speed boat.
Ada juga peralatan menyelam sewa bersama dengan instruktur.
Ketika Terbaik Untuk Kunjungi Taman Nasional Bunaken
Musim terbaik untuk dapat mengunjungi Taman Laut Taman Nasional Mei.-Agust.
Yang Dibawa Persediaan Wajib
Dalam kondisi tertentu diperlukan untuk dapat melindungi diri dari angin laut, perlu untuk membawa baju hangat atau jaket, tutup kepala, syal untuk penghangat leher.
Ada baiknya ketika mereka mengunjungi Taman Laut Taman Nasional dalam kondisi kesehatan keadaan prima.
EFEK TYNDAL PADA LAMPU SOROT
Berikut Sedikit Menjelaskan Kenapa Kebanyakan Lampu Sorot Berwarna Kuning, Ini Adalah
karena Efek Tyndall.
Berikut Sedikit Menjelaskan Kenapa
Kebanyakan Lampu Sorot Berwarna Kuning, Ini Adalah karena Efek Tyndall.
Penampilan system koloid pada umumnya keruh, tetapi tidak selalu begitu.
Beberapa ‘larutan’ koloid tampak “bening” dan sukar dibedakan dengan
larutan sejati. Bagaimanakah cara mengenali system koloid? Salah satu cara yang sangat sederhana
yaitu dengan menjatuhkan seberkas cahayakepadanya. Larutan sejati meneruskan cahaya (transparan),
sedangkan koloid menghamburkannya. Oleh karena itu, berkas cahaya yang melalui koloid dapat di
amati dari arah samping. Efek Tyndall ini ditemukan oleh John Tyndall (1820-1893), seorang ahli
fisika Inggris. Oleh karena itu sifat itu disebut efek Tyndall.
Efek Tyndall adalah adanya gejala penghamburan berkas cahaya oleh
partikel-partikel koloid. Apabila seberkas cahaya dijatuhkan ke dalam sistem koloid, maka cahaya
akan dihamburkan. Apabila seberkas cahaya dijatuhkan ke dalam sistem larutan, maka cahaya akan
Dalam Kehidupan sehari-hari, kita sering
mengamati efek Tyndall ini, antara lain:
sorot lampu pada malam yang berkabut
sorot lampu proyektor dalam gedung bioskop yang berasap /berdebu, dan
berkas sinar matahari melalui celah
daun pohon pada pagi hari yang berkabut.
Efek Tyndall tidak
sama untuk setiap sinar yang mempunyai panjang gelombang berbeda. Sinar kuning, misalnya, lebih
sedikit dihamburkan. Itulah sebabnya lampu warna kuning dipakai pada saat berkabut, di mana
cahaya kuning dapat menembus kabut dan terlihat oleh pemakai jalan.
Inilah kenapa kebanyakan lampu sorot berwarna kuning senja.
Gilbert Haroche, Builder of an Economy Travel Empire, Dies at 87
Mr. Haroche was a founder of Liberty Travel, which grew from a two-man operation to the largest leisure travel operation in the United States.
Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues
As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.
A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.
“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”
Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.
In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.
“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”
Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.
Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.
The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.
“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”
The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.
But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.
After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”
That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.
That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.
“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”
On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.
The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.
In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.
“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”
Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”
His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.
“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”
Edward Chambers, Early Leader in Community Organizing, Dies at 85
A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.
In Baltimore, National Guard Pullout Begins as Citywide Curfew Is Lifted
David Goldman/Associated Press
National Guard soldiers boarding a truck in Baltimore on Sunday.
Baltimore residents prepared to resume the more familiar rhythms of their lives as days passed without new bouts of widespread rioting and as the National Guard began to pull its troops from the city.
Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.
Native American Actors Work to Overcome a Long-Documented Bias
Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.
Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.
But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.
The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.
“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.
But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.
The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.
In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”
“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”
Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.
“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”
Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”
Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.
Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.
“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”
The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.
There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.
The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”
Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson
Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.
Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)
Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.
“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”
Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”
Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.
The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”
Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.
“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”
Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”
Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)
Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.
Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”
Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)
“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.
A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.
This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.
This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.
Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.
At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.
At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)
Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”
All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.
Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.
Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)
Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.
Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)
Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.
Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)
In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”
None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.
Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.
Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.
It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.
At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?
During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.
Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.
In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”
Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.
“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”
Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.
No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.
Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.
“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”
How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters
Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.
Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.
Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.
Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.
“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”
Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.
The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.
They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.
A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.
Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.
What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.
It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)
A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.
The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.
It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.
High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.
But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.
In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.