Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung

World Architecture Festival (WAF) Awards 2013 di Singapura masih tersisa enam hari menuju batas pengiriman karya para peserta. Sampai saat ini, acara diadakan pada 2 - 4 Oktober 2013 mendatang ini dikabarkan sudah penuh kiriman karya.

SINGAPURA, Saco-Indonesia.com - World Architecture Festival (WAF) Awards 2013 di Singapura masih tersisa enam hari menuju batas pengiriman karya para peserta. Sampai saat ini, acara diadakan pada 2 - 4 Oktober 2013 mendatang ini dikabarkan sudah penuh kiriman karya.

Tidak hanya negara Eropa, negara-negara Asia Tenggara juga sudah mengirimkan karyanya. Hanya, nama Indonesia belum terdengar gaungnya.

Perusahaan yang mengorganisir acara ini, i2i Events Group menyatakan, pihaknya sudah melihat karya dari New Zealand, Denmark, via Meksiko dan Azerbaijan. Penyebaran karya cukup luas, mulai Botanical Garden Visitor Centre di New York sampai sebuah Community Centre for Youth Support di Belgia.

Selain itu, pengirim juga berasal dari banyak negara, seperti Malaysia, Vietnam, dan Meksiko. Dari ketiga negara ini, jumlah karya dari Malaysia meningkat 300 persen dari tahun lalu, Vietnam 40 persen, dan Meksiko 33 persen.

Pihak penyelenggara juga mendapatkan karya-karya dari negara yang tahun lalu tidak turut serta, seperti Azerbaijan dan Republik Dominika. Selain itu, poyek-proyek di Italia juga meningkat sebanyak 600%.

"World Architecture Festival terus bertumbuh dalam hal skala, lingkup, dan gengsinya. Begitu juga dengan kualitas karya yang masuk ke kompetisi ini. Nuansa global pada festival ini terpancar pada jumlah negara. Jumlah ini menggambarkan permintaan desain arsitektur inovatif di seluruh dunia, meski keadaan ekonomi masih belum stabil. Tenggat waktu semakin dekat, kami memanggil para praktisi untuk memasukkan karya mereka agar mereka dapat memenangkan hadiah paling bergengsi, penghargaan The World Building of the Year," ujar Program Direktur WAF Paul Finch. 

Adapun batas waktu pengiriman karya hingga 10 Juni 2013 nanti. Batas waktu yang sama juga berlaku untuk INSIDE Festival Awards. INSIDE World Festival of Interior merupakan acara yang berkolokasi dengan WAF. Bedanya, jika WAF lebih mengutamakan arsitektur, INSIDE lebih berfokus pada desain interior.

Tahun lalu, Penghargaan WAF untuk World Building of the Year dimenangkan oleh Garden by the Bay Conservatories di Singapura. Konservatorium dengan pengaturan suhu udara ini didesain oleh Wilkinson Eyre, Grant Associates, Atelier One dan Atelier Ten.

(Sumber: http://www.e- architect.co.uk)/Kompas.com

Editor :Liwon Maulana

saco-indonesia.com, Sepanjang dalam tahun 2013, telah tercatat ada 773 kasus kecelakaan yang terjadi di wilayah Jakarta Timur. D

saco-indonesia.com, Sepanjang dalam tahun 2013, telah tercatat ada 773 kasus kecelakaan yang terjadi di wilayah Jakarta Timur. Dari jumlah tersebut, sebanyak 99 orang telah dinyatakan meninggal dunia.

"Kami juga berharap dalam kasus kecelakaan lalu lintas terus akan mengalami penurunan. Di sini perlu kesadaran para pengendara agar harus mematuhi rambu-rambu lalu lintas dan harus lebih berhati-hati dalam berkendara," ujar Kanit Laka Satwil Lantas Jakarta Timur, AKP Agung B Leksono, Senin (30/12).

Nilai kerugian materi yang timbul akibat kecelakaan tersebut lebih kurang telah mencapai Rp 2 miliar. Sebagian besar kecelakaan telah disebabkan oleh kelalaian pengendara, baik karena mengantuk maupun menggunakan telepon genggam sambil mengemudi.

"Untuk meminimalisir, kami juga sudah melakukan sosialisasi tentang tertib berlalu lintas secara rutin. Bahkan ke sekolah-sekolah. Kita juga rutin menggelar razia atau operasi agar pengendara tertib dalam berlalu lintas," ucapnya.

Adapun kasus-kasus kecelakaan menonjol di wilayah Jakarta Timur, antara lain dalam kasus kecelakaan anak Menko Perekonomian Hatta Rajasa, Rasyid Rajasa. Rasyid telah terlibat kecelakaan di Tol Jagorawi pada malam tahun baru lalu. Rasyid yang sedang mengendarai BMW X5 telah menabrak mobil minibus Luxio yang telah mengakibatkan dua orang meninggal dunia. Dalam persidangan hakim telah memberikan hukuman percobaan selama 6 bulan penjara jika Rasyid kembali terlibat kecelakaan.

Selain itu, kasus kecelakaan yang telah melibatkan putra bungsu Ahmad Dhani, Dul yang berusia (13) di Tol Jagorawi sehingga mengakibatkan 7 orang meninggal dunia.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

JUAL LINTAH Kami adalah peternak Lintah dan pusat penjualan lintah hidup yang ada di Bekasi, melayani pengiriman lintah hidup

JUAL LINTAH

Kami adalah peternak Lintah dan pusat penjualan lintah hidup yang ada di Bekasi, melayani pengiriman lintah hidup keseluruh wilayah Indonesia, Lintah kami adalah lintah hasil ternakan sendiri yang sudah steril anti jamur dan penyakit lainnya sehingga sangat higienis digunakan untuk terapi, pembuatan minyak lintah, enzin lintah, pasta lintah, bahan dasar kosmetika dan untuk keperluan lainnyakami sangat berpengalaman dalam pengiriman dengan kemasan sedemikian rupa sehingga lintah sampai tujuan tetap dalam keadaan sehat dan fresh, saat ini kami menjalin kerjasama dan memasok secara rutin dengan lebih dari 70 klinik terapi Lintah yang berada di Pulau Jawa, Sumatera, Kalimantan, Sulawesi dan NTB  juga terdapat ratusan pembeli tidak tetap dari berbagai daerah

 
Jenis Lintah
 
Jenis lintah yang kami jual adalah jenis Lintah Rawa/Lintah kerbau/lintah Asia (Hirudinaria Manillensis) lintah inilah yang terdapat di Asian sebagai lintah pengobatan
 
Harga dan ukuran Lintah
 
Kami tawarkan lintah dalam berbagai ukuran :
 

 

  1. Kecil,  seukuran 1s/d 2 batang korek api  harga Rp1.500/ekor
  2.  Sedang, seukuran batang rokok mild (pas untuk terapi),  harga  Rp.3.500/ekor
  3. Besar / Indukan,   harga  Rp6.000/ekor

 

 
Apa keuntung membeli Lintah ditempat kami ?
 
<>-----Stok tersedia sepanjang waktu 15.000 ekor per minggu
 
Bagaimana cara memesannya ?
 
Pesanan bisa melalui SMS atau Call langsung ke Nomor  0815 8877678 atau 0812 82240274 
 
Pembayaran transfer melalui Bank BCA, Mandiri dan BRI
 
 
 
Apakah ada pelatihan terapi Lintah ?
Kami mengadakan pelatihan Terapi Lintah setiap saat diklinik kami dengan metode penggabungan melalui titik-titik akupuntur dengan biaya yang sangat terjangkau, juga cara Budidaya Lintah
 
 
 

saco-indonesia.com, Warga Ciledug Yosefat Natanael yang berusia 28 tahun , telah  ditembak oleh orang yang tak dikenal saat

saco-indonesia.com, Warga Ciledug Yosefat Natanael yang berusia 28 tahun , telah  ditembak oleh orang yang tak dikenal saat rayakan malam tahun baru di Mal Living Word Alam Sutera, Kecamatan Serpong Utara, Tangerang, Rabu (1/1) dinihari.

Menurut berdasarkan keterangan, korban warga perumahan Duren Village Kecamatan Ciledug ini sedang merayakan malam pergantian tahun di mal tersebut bersama kerabatnya. Entah mengapa, tiba-tiba ada orang yang tidak dikenal telah menembak dirinya dan mengenai bahu kanannya sehingga ambruk

Pengunjung mal yang sedang memadati pusat perbelanjaan tersebut telah menjadi panik. Satpam mal bersama polisi yang telah berjaga di areal mal tersebut segera ke lokasi penembakan. Namun, pelaku kabur di tengah keramaian warga yang menikmati malam tahun baru.

Korban telah ditolong oleh petugas dan dilarikan ke RS Omni Alam Sutera untuk mendapatkan perawatan dokter serta mengeluarkan proyektil yang bersarang di tubuhnya.  

Editor : Dian Sukmawati 

Banyak sekali kenikmatan-kenikmatan yang kita dapat dari Allah, entah sadar atau tidak contohnya kita bisa melihat, kita dapat melihat yang indah, cantik, ganteng, jelek. Pokoknya dengan kenikmatan yang cuma satu itu tidak bisa rasanya kita hitung dengan perbandingan apapun, belum lagi kenikmatan yang lain sangat banyak dan tidak dapat pula kita hitung dengan apapun. Tetapi ada satu kenikmatan yang paling Pool dibanding dengan kenikmatan yang lain, itu tidak lain adalah Hidayah.

Banyak sekali kenikmatan-kenikmatan yang kita dapat dari Alloh, entah sadar atau tidak contohnya kita bisa melihat, kita dapat melihat yang indah, cantik, ganteng, jelek. Pokoknya dengan kenikmatan yang cuma satu itu tidak bisa rasanya kita hitung dengan perbandingan apapun, belum lagi kenikmatan yang lain sangat banyak dan tidak dapat pula kita hitung dengan apapun. Tetapi ada satu kenikmatan yang paling Pool dibanding dengan kenikmatan yang lain, itu tidak lain adalah Hidayah.

Kalau kita tidak mau atau tidak bisa mensyukuri semua itu apa jadinya, contoh kita diberi sesuatu oleh orang sedangkan kita tidak berterima kasih malah mengabaikan pemberian itu padahal pemberian itu sangat penting dan berguna, bagaimana perasaan orang yang memberi, sudah pasti marah dan mungkin tidak akan diberi lagi, bagaimana dengan Allah pastilah Allah akan murka.

Seperti Hadis Nabi : Lain sakartum la azidanakum walain kapartum ina azabi lasadid.

Artinya : Apabila kamu bersyukur maka akan aku tambah, tetapi bila kamu kufur/tidak bersyukur maka azabku sangat pedih.

 

Liwon Maulana(galipat)

saco-indonesia.com, Cinta dan mengharapkan hubungan intim, telah membuat Asido Simangunsong yang berusia 22 tahun , nekat untuk

saco-indonesia.com, Cinta dan mengharapkan hubungan intim, telah membuat Asido Simangunsong yang berusia 22 tahun , nekat untuk membunuh Feby Lorita yang berusia 31 tahun . Terlebih, korban yang telah meminta ganti rugi sebesar Rp10 juta atas perlakuan kasarnya, telah membuat pria pengangguran ini gelap mata.

Asido juga mengungkapkan kisah pembunuhan yang menurut pengakuannya diawali dengan cerita tak terbalas. Pasalnya, ia dan Feby juga sudah memiliki kedekatan antara satu dengan lainnya, meski pelaku telah memiliki kekasih bernama Astri yang selama ini diakuinya sebagai istri.

Pria pengangguran ini telah berhasil masuk ke dalam kehidupan Feby dengan membantu bisnis rental mobil milik Feby. Kedekatan tersebut terus berlanjut hingga pada Rabu (22/1) lalu, keduanya bertemu di kawasan UKI, Cawang, Jakarta Timur.

Menurut pengakuan Asido, dalam perjalanan dari tempat tersebut, ia juga mengutarakan isi hatinya kepada Feby. Asido juga mengatakan bahwa ia mencintai Feby dan ingin menjalin hubungan asmara dengannya. Namun, ungkapan cinta Asido itu ternyata tidak berbuah manis. Feby telah menolak ungkapan itu mentah-mentah dengan alasan Asido telah beristri dan selama ini mereka tinggal dalam satu komplek apartemen yang sama.

“Apa-apaan sih kamu Do. Gila kamu ya, bajingan kamu, kamu kan sudah punya istri,” ujar Asido menirukan perkataan Feby saat itu.

Pernyataan Feby tersebut pun kemudian telah membuat Asido emosi yang berlanjut pada perdebatan di antara keduanya. Tak lama berdebat, karena sama-sama emosi, mereka pun saling melukai secara fisik. “Dia duluan pukul saya, ini saya masih ada bekas cakaran. Saya balas juga pukul dia hingga gigi depannya copot,” ungkap Asido.

Melihat Feby terluka dan berdarah, Asido menghentikan aksinya. Sementara Feby yang tidak terima akan perbuatan Asido telah menganiayanya, meminta ganti rugi untuk perawatan luka tersebut. Feby pun juga meminta untuk bertemu dengan keluarga Asido untuk memastikannya bertanggung jawab dan bersedia menanggung biaya perobatan. “Dia (Feby) minta ganti rugi Rp10 juta atas copotnya gigi,” tuturnya.

Asido yang membujuk korban akhirnya telah membawa Feby ke rumah orang tuanya di kawasan Perum Citayam, Depok, Jawa Barat yang ternyata sedang tidak ditinggali. Sesampai di rumah tersebut, keduanya berbincang-bincang selama beberapa jam. “Disana dia mulai berulah lagi, makanya langsung saya cekik dan tak berapa lama lehernya saya tusuk,” ungkapnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Kepala Dinas Pariwisata dan Kebudayaan DKI Jakarta Arie Budhiman mengatakan, masyarakat dan turis dapat menggunakan bus tingkat wisata tanpa menggunakan tiket.

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Kepala Dinas Pariwisata dan Kebudayaan DKI Jakarta Arie Budhiman mengatakan, masyarakat dan turis dapat menggunakan bus tingkat wisata tanpa menggunakan tiket. Meskipun gratis, tetap ada pengelolaan tiket. Tiket dapat diperoleh di pusat perbelanjaan maupun hotel.

"Evaluasi tiga bulan pertama tanpa tiket, belum pakai tiket gratis," kata Arie di Balaikota Jakarta, Kamis (16/1/2014).

Siang tadi, bus tingkat wisata itu telah resmi dikenalkan kepada publik di Bundaran Hotel Indonesia (HI). Adapun uji coba pengoperasiannya akan dilaksanakan pada akhir pekan ini. Untuk beroperasional secara utuh, Arie menargetkan dapat terealisasi pada akhir Januari.

Kini lima unit bus tingkat wisata itu ditempatkan di pul Cawang. Untuk memulai perjalanan, semua bus tingkat wisata akan parkir di silang barat daya Monas. Pada pukul 09.00 WIB, kelima bus tingkat wisata itu akan mengelilingi Jakarta. Waktu tempuh tiap bus berjarak 30 menit.

Bus-bus wisata itu akan menempuh dua rute. Rute pertama melewati Bundaran HI-Medan Merdeka Barat-Harmoni-Juanda-Gedung Kesenian Jakarta-Gereja Katedral-Masjid Istiqlal-Juanda-Medan Merdeka Utara-Istana Negara-Balaikota-MH Thamrin-Bundaran HI. Adapun rute melalui Bundaran HI-Sudirman-Semanggi-Gatot Subroto-Hotel Sultan-JCC-TVRI-Hotel Mulia-Senayan (Plaza Senayan dan Senayan City-Patung Pemuda-Sudirman-Semanggi-Bundaran HI. Sepanjang rute tersebut, akan ada 10 titik pemberhentian. Di setiap halte tersebut, bus akan berhenti selama satu menit.

Bus tingkat yang didominasi warna ungu dan hijau muda tersebut memiliki panjang 13,5 meter, lebar 2,5 meter, dan tinggi 4,2 meter. Desain double decker lengkap dengan tulisan "Wisata Keliling Ibukota!" dan "City tour Jakarta". Huruf R dan J dalam kalimat city tour Jakarta dibuat menyambung jadi satu. Adapun di bagian belakang terdapat slogan "Enjoy Jakarta". Tak hanya itu, bus double decker itu juga memiliki gambar-gambar Monas, Ondel-ondel, patung Pancoran, patung selamat datang, dan lain-lain.

Warna ungu dan hijau muda sengaja dipilih agar bus itu memiliki ciri khas sendiri dibanding bus sedang lainnya. Warna merah, misalnya, menjadi ciri khas warna bus transjakarta, metromini berwarna oranye, dan bus kopaja berkelir hijau.

Setiap unit bus tingkat wisata berkapasitas 60 tempat duduk dan dua di antaranya diperuntukkan bagi penyandang difabel. Deck dan pintu sengaja dibuat pendek dan berada di sebelah kiri agar ramah untuk kaum difabel dan orang tua. Spesifikasi lain yang membuat bus ini ramah kaum difabel adalah melintas di jalur lambat, bukanlah busway.

Double decker Jakarta berbeda dari bus tingkat di London, Inggris. Atap paling atasnya dibuat tertutup sebab iklim Jakarta berbeda dari London. Di samping itu, faktor kesehatan menjadi unsur penting yang menjadi pertimbangan. Beberapa fasilitas yang dimiliki double decker, seperti pendingin udara, pengeras suara, CCTV, lengkap dengan petugas guide. Di tiap bus akan ada tiga awak, yakni pengemudi, pramuwisata, dan keamanan.

"Dengan adanya bus ini, Jakarta punya daya tarik yang berbeda. Mudah-mudahan Jakarta semakin menarik dan dikunjungi wisatawan," kata Arie.

Sumber : kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Sedikit meninggalkan permasalahan yang masih terjadi pada pendataan dapodik 2012 yang berakibat pada tersendatnya pencairan

Sedikit meninggalkan permasalahan yang masih terjadi pada pendataan dapodik 2012 yang berakibat pada tersendatnya pencairan tunjangan tahun 2013 dan sebagainya. Alangkah baiknya para operator dan para ptk, terutama penerima tunjangan sudah mulai mempersiapkan diri untuk mengetahui kapan proses pendataan masuk kemudian data kita diolah termasuk saat kapan bisa diperbaiki terutama terkait tunjangan tahun 2014 agar permasalahan yang terjadi sebelumnya bisa dihindari.

 

Rencana 2014 terkait tunjangan :

    Semua penerbitan SK Tunjangan berdasarkan dapodik versi baru. (Dapodikdas 2013)
    Data yang digunakan untuk penerbitan SK tunjangan adalah :

    Data Semester  Genap  2013-2014 untuk pembayaran tunjangan periode januari sd juni 2014
    Data Semester  Ganjil 2014-2015 untuk pembayaran tunjangan periode juli sd desember 2014

Jan-Feb 2014 : Periode Updating Data

    Para Guru dipersilahkan melakukan pembaharuan data melalui Aplikasi dapodik untuk data semester 2 TA. 2013-2014.
    Sinkronisasi antara Server Dapodik dan Server P2TK Dikdas akan dilakukan secara rutin setiap hari.
    Para guru dipersilahkan melakukan pengecekan data melalui Halaman Verifikasi Guru (Info Guru)
    P2TK akan melakukan Penutupan Sinkronisasi (Closing) data pada tanggal 1 Maret 2014, maka sejak tanggal ini pembaharuan pada aplikasi dapodik untuk Tri Wulan 1 tidak akan masuk ke server P2TK Dikdas.
    Kesalahan pengentrian pada  aplikasi dapodik yang menyebabkan kerugian apapun pada Guru menjadi tanggung jawab Guru ybs, karena sudah diberikan waktu untuk pengecekan melalui lembar info guru.

Tgl 1-15 Maret 2014 : Periode Pengolahan Data TW1
P2Dikdas akan melakukan pengolahan sbb :

    Penghitungan jumlah jam mengajar
    Penghitungan jumlah murid
    Penghitungan jumlah jam rombel
    Pengecekan Data Sarana dan Prasarana (Perpustakaan dan laboratorium)
    Pengecekan Tugas Tambahan, dll

Hasil pengolahan akan menentukan :

    Nominasi penerima Aneka Tunjangan untuk semua kabupaten / kota
    Guru bersertifikat pendidik yang dapat di SK kan untuk mendapatkan hak bayar pada Triwulan 1 (jan-mar 2014)

16-23 Maret 2014 : Periode Pengusulan SK

    Operator Dinas Kab/Kota melakukan pengusulan untuk :

    Penerima Tunjangan Fungsional (Semester  1)
    Penerima Bantuan Kualifikasi Akademik (Semester 1)
    Penerima Tunjangan Guru Daerah Khusus (Triwulan 1)
    Penerima Tunjangan Profesi  (Triwulan 1)

    Dinas Provinsi melakukan kordinasi dengan Dinas Kab/kota.
    Operator Dinas Prov. melakukan Penyetujuan/Penolakan atas usulan kab/kota

24 -31 Maret 2014 : Periode Penerbitan SK

    P2TK Dikdas akan menerbitkan SK Tunjangan Profesi dan Aneka Tunjangan bagi guru guru yang dinyatakan memenuhi syarat memperoleh Tunjangan.
    Walaupun SK Penerima Tunjangan berlaku setahun, namun dalam proses pembayaran harus memperhatikan pemenuhan syarat penerima tunjangan, misalnya :

    Status Aktif guru (Aktif/Cuti/Wafat/Pensiun/dll)
    Status Kepegawaian (PNS/GTT/GTY/dll)

April 2014 : Periode Pembayaran TW1 & SMT1

    Penerima SK TP yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 berhak menerima Tunjangan Profesi untuk Triwulan 1 (januari-maret), kecuali untuk Guru yang wafat/pensiun/cuti di tengah triwulan. Jumlah hak bulan disesuaikan dengan masa aktif. Misalnya pensiun maret 2014 maka ybs berhak 2 bulan saja.
    Penerima SK-TF yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 berhak menerima T. Fungsional untuk Semester 1 (periode januari sd juni 2014).
    Penerima SK-Tunjangan Kualifikasi yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 berhak menerima T. Kualifikasi untuk Semester 1 (periode januari sd juni 2014).
    Penerima SK-Tunjangan Khusus yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 berhak menerima T. Khusus untuk Triwulan 1 (periode januari sd Maret 2014)

Mei 2014 : Periode Updating Data Dapodik Susulan TW2
Pada bulan Mei 2014, P2TK Dikdas akan membuka kembali sinkronisasi dengan Server Dapodik. Hal ini untuk mengakomodasi pembaharuan data yang diakibatkan :

    Guru tidak mendapat jam pada Triwulan 1 namun dapat memenuhi pada Triwulan 2.
    Adanya peralihan jam karena Guru Mutasi, Wafat atau Pensiun setelah Triwulan 1.

1-14 Juni 2014 : Periode Pengolahan Data Susulan TW2

    P2TK akan kembali melakukan Closing data pada tanggal 1 juni 2014 untuk data Dapodik TW2.
    P2TK akan melakukan pengolahan data dapodik yang masuk per 1 juni 2014.
    Hasil dari pengolahan data tersebut akan menentukan penerima Tunjangan Profesi pada TW 1 yang tidak berhak lagi menerima pada TW2 yang diakibatkan :

    Kehilangan jam mengajar pada TW2.
    Tidak aktif menurut dapodik karena sakit, pensiun, wafat, cuti, dll
    Dibatalkan tunjangannya karena sebab sebab tertentu oleh dinas kabupaten/Kota

    Hasil dari pengolahan data tersebut akan menentukan penerima Tunjangan Profesi

    Guru bersertifikat pendidik  yang yang belum mendapat  SKTP pada bulan maret (tidak mendapat tunjangan TW1), namun sudah memenuhi syarat untuk TW2.
    Nominasi Tunjangan Khusus yang dapat menggantikan penerima tunjangan yang dibatalkan pada TW 2 karena sebab-sebab tertentu.
    Penerima Tunjangan Khusus pada TW 1 yang tidak berhak lagi menerima pada TW2 yang diakibatkan hal yang sama dengan Tunjangan Profesi.

15-23 Juni : Periode Pengusulan Susulan
Dinas Kab/kota melakukan pengusulan untuk Penerima Tunjangan Profesi susulan.
Dinas Kab/kota melakukan pengusulan untuk Penerima Tunjangan Khusus Pengganti
Dinas Provinsi melakukan Kordinasi dengan Dinas Kab/Kota
Dinas Provinsi melakukan penyetujuan/penolakan usulan dinas Kab/Kota

23-31 Juni :Periode Penerbitan SK Susulan TW2

    P2TK Diknas akan menerbitkan SK Tunjangan Profesi bagi guru guru yang dinyatakan memenuhi syarat memperoleh Tunjangan pada TW2 namun belum di sk kan pada TW1.
    P2TK akan menerbikan SK tunjangan Khusus pengganti untuk TW2 (jika ada)

Juli 2014 : Periode Pembayaran TW2

    Penerima SK TP yang terbit pada bulan Maret 2014 berhak menerima Tunjangan Profesi untuk Triwulan 2 (april-juni), kecuali untuk Guru yang dinyatakan kehilangan haknya akibat tidak memenuhi syarat, misalnya kehilangan jam mengajar pada TW2, wafat, pensiun atau sebab lain sesuai peraturan yang berlaku.
    Penerima SK TP yang terbit pada bulan Juni 2014 berhak menerima Tunjangan Profesi untuk Triwulan 2 (april-juni), kecuali untuk Guru yang wafat/pensiun/cuti di tengah triwulan. Jumlah hak bulan disesuaikan dengan masa aktif. Misalnya pensiun Juni 2014 maka ybs berhak 2 bulan saja.
    Penerima SK-Tunjangan Khusus yang terbit pada bulan maret 2014 namun dibatalkan karena sebab sebab tertentu tidak berhak mendapatkan tunjangan untuk Triwulan 2.
    Penerima SK Tunjangan Khusus Pengganti berhak menerima Tunjangan (hanya) untuk TW2 saja.

 

Ms. Crough played the youngest daughter on the hit ’70s sitcom starring David Cassidy and Shirley Jones.

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Ms. von Furstenberg made her debut in the movies and on the Broadway stage in the early 1950s as a teenager and later reinvented herself as a television actress, writer and philanthropist.

Hired in 1968, a year before their first season, Mr. Fanning spent 25 years with the team, managing them to their only playoff appearance in Canada.

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

Photo
 
 
The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

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Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

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The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

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The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”