Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung

saco-indonesia.com, Polisi telah berhasil membekuk pelaku pembunuhan Nurul Hakiki yang berusia (20) tahun , anak seorang guru ng

saco-indonesia.com, Polisi telah berhasil membekuk pelaku pembunuhan Nurul Hakiki yang berusia (20) tahun , anak seorang guru ngaji, yang tewas terikat dan dimasukkan dalam karung. Ternyata, pembunuh tersebut adalah sang kekasih.

Kapolres Sumbawa AKBP Karsiman telah mengungkapkan, pelaku pembunuhan tersebut telah dilakukan oleh HA yang berusia (30) tahun yang tak lain kekasih korban. HA tinggal tak jauh dari tempat tinggal Nurul di Kecamatan Badas, Kota Sumbawa.

"Pengungkapan kasus ini serta keberhasilan dalam menangkap HA pada Rabu (22/1) sekitar pukul 08.00 Wita, berkat kerja keras anggota dan oleh didukung masyarakat, termasuk keluarga korban," kata Karsiman, Kamis (23/1).

Nurul telah dibunuh dengan cara dijerat di bagian lehernya saat berada di rumah HA. Korban telah dihabisi sekitar pukul 21.00 WITA, kemudian jasadnya telah dimasukkan ke dalam karung. Selang satu jam, pelaku telah membawa karung berisi jenazah ke bawah Jembatan Kembar, atau sekitar dua kilometer dari rumah HA.

"Mayat dimasukkan dalam karung hanya untuk dapat memudahkan tersangka membawanya, di samping untuk menyamarkan agar tidak diketahui orang," ungkap kapolres.

Kasus pembunuhan ini telah terungkap ketika Mursali yang berusia (50) tahun , warga Tanjung Pasir Desa Labuan yang kesehariannya menjadi pemulung, menemukan sebuah karung mencurigakan, saat sedang mengais sampah di kolong Jembatan Kembar Saliperate, Jumat (27/12) sekitar pukul 07.00 WITA.

Setelah karung dibuka, ternyata isinya adalah jenazah seseorang bernama Nurul Hakiki, gadis yang tinggalnya di Karang Padak, Desa Labuan, Badas.

Jasad putri seorang guru ngaji ini telah ditemukan dalam keadaan terbungkus di dalam karung. Tak sehelai benang pun menempel di tubuhnya, kecuali sebuah 'bra' yang sudah terbalik.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Salam hangat dari Jepun Bali Car Rental, Jepun Bali Car Rental adalah penyedia jasa sewa mobil murah terbaik di Bali. Spesial

Salam hangat dari Jepun Bali Car Rental,

Jepun Bali Car Rental adalah penyedia jasa sewa mobil murah terbaik di Bali. Spesialisasi kami adalah untuk dapat menyediakan pelayanan transportasi sewa mobil dengan sistem point-to-point Airport, Hotel, dan personal atau group transportasi, baik dalam rangka perjalanan wisata ataupun untuk tujuan Bisinis di Bali.

Supir-supir profesional kami dari Jepun Bali car Rental dengan senang hati akan mengantarkan anda ke tujuan untuk berbagai kerperluan seperti executive meeting, outing perusahaan, atau pun untuk berwisata.

Jepun Bali Car Rental dengan cepat membangun reputasinya dalam bidang usaha transportasi khususnya dalam bidang sewa mobil di Bali. Anda juga dapat menghubungi kami melalui telephone ataupun e-mail untuk dapat mengalami komitmen kami untuk selalu memberikan pelayanan yang terbaik, dan anda pun akan mengerti mengapa client-client kami mempercayakan pilihannya kepada kami dalam hal jasa transportasi sewa mobil di Bali.
 
Jepun Bali Car Rental sangat mengerti bahwa waktu dari client kami adalah hal yang sangat penting. Sebagai penyedia sarana transportasi sewa mobil profesional di Bali, team kami akan memastikan anda akan sampai ke tujuan dengan nyaman, aman dan tepat waktu.

Sebagai penyedia sarana transportasi sewa mobil, Jepun Bali Car Rental menawarkan jenis-jenis pelayanan sebagai berikut :

    Pelayanan penjeputan dan pengembalian mobil di Airport ataupun Hotel
    Sewa mobil untuk di kemudikan sendiri (tanpa supir)
    Jasa sewa mobil dalam jangka waktu pendek dan panjang
    Paket sewa mobil untuk personal atau group
    Pembebasan biaya atas pengantaran dan pengembalian mobil yang di sewa
    Jasa sewa mobil dengan supir yang profesional dan berpengalaman dalam jasa layanan transportasi personal dan eksekutif
    Charter Bus Pariwisata

Mengapa memilih jasa sewa mobil dari Jepun Bali Car Rental ?

    Jepun Bali Car Rental adalah mitra anda yang dapat dipercaya
    Kepuasan anda adalah prioritas utama dari Jepun Bali Car Rental
    Jepun Bali Car Rental memberikan pelayanan yang aman dan terjamin
    Jepun Bali Car Rental selalu menyediakan model mobil - mobil terbaru dengan kondisi mobil yang terawat secara teratur
    Jepun Bali Car Rental menyediakan fasilitas mobil pengganti apabila terjadi kerusakan atau kecelakaan
    Mobil-mobil yang kami sewakan telah di asuransikan
    Jepun Bali Car Rental telah terdaftar di institusi publik

Silahkan anda membuka halaman Harga Sewa Mobil kami untuk mengetahui berbagai jenis type mobil yang kami tawarkan

saco-indonesia.com, Chelsea akan segera menghadapi Southampton di laga perdana mereka di tahun 2014. Kapten tim, John Terry, tel

saco-indonesia.com, Chelsea akan segera menghadapi Southampton di laga perdana mereka di tahun 2014. Kapten tim, John Terry, telah memperingatkan timnya untuk dapat terus waspada. Ia telah menyebut calon lawan mereka itu telah memiliki karakteristik yang mirip dengan Liverpool - tim yang mereka kalahkan di pekan sebelumnya.

Selain itu Terry juga akan menekankan pentingnya menjaga ritme yang sama dengan dua pesaing berat mereka lainnya, Manchester United dan Manchester City.

"Ini akan jadi laga yang berat karena mereka telah amat bagus ketika bermain di kandang dan terbukti kami telah menjalani pertandingan yang sulit ketika lawan berhasil mencetak gol terlebih dahulu di sini (Stamford Bridge)," tutur Terry pada situs resmi klub.

"Mereka adalah klub yang bagus, mirip seperti Liverpool, yang ingin mencoba untuk bermain menyerang dari lini belakang, jadi kami juga mengharapkan permainan yang keras. Manchester United dan Manchester City sudah menampilkan performa yang bagus dan amat penting untuk kami melakukan hal yang sama di periode ini," pungkasnya.

Chelsea saat ini berada di peringkat tiga klasemen sementara. Mereka hanya terpaut dua angka dari pemimpin tabel persaingan, Arsenal.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Penyidik Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi telah kembali memeriksa Sekretaris Jenderal Mahkamah Konstitusi, Janed

saco-indonesia.com, Penyidik Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi telah kembali memeriksa Sekretaris Jenderal Mahkamah Konstitusi, Janedri Mahili Gaffar, dalam kasus dugaan suap pengurusan sengketa pilkada Kabupaten Lebak di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Janedri juga mengaku diperiksa sebagai saksi buat mantan Ketua MK, Akil Mochtar, dan menampik mengenal orang kepercayaan Akil, Mochtar Ependy.

"Terkait Pak Akil Mochtar. Nanti kita lihat. Ini untuk Lebak," kata Janedri kepada awak media di Gedung KPK, Jakarta, Selasa (24/12).

Janedri juga menyangkal mengenal Mochtar Ependy. Dia juga menampik tidak pernah tahu kalau Mochtar kabarnya kerap bolak-balik ke MK menemui Akil. Mochtar disebut-sebut sebagai orang yang turut aktif dalam membantu pencucian uang Akil. Dalam kasus dugaan suap, KPK juga akan memeriksa pegawai PT Peraga Lambang Sejahtera, Aditya Mun'im, sebagai saksi.

Hari ini, KPK juga akan mengusut dugaan pencucian uang Akil. Tiga saksi akan dijadwalkan diperiksa dalam perkara itu. Mereka adalah dua pejabat lelang pada Balai Lelang JBA, yakni Ende Mirawan dan Ganda Purba, serta General Manager Balai Lelang Serasi, Jacob Anthonius Margaretha.

Dalam perkara dugaan suap sengketa pilkada Lebak tersebut , KPK hari ini juga akan memeriksa Akil Mochtar serta adik Ratu Atut, Tubagus Chaery Wardhana Chasan alias Wawan. Akil akan diperiksa sebagai tersangka, sedangkan Wawan sebagai saksi. Ada kemungkinan Janedri bakal dikonfrontir dengan Akil dalam pemeriksaan hari ini.


Editor ; Dian Sukmawati

Ketika berbicara tentang investasi yang menguntungkan, para pebisnis sering berasosiasi kepada emas, properti atau usaha. Itu ad

Ketika berbicara tentang investasi yang menguntungkan, para pebisnis sering berasosiasi kepada emas, properti atau usaha. Itu adalah cara “kiri”. Jarang sekali pebisnis berpikir investasi yang prospektif dengan cara “kanan”.

Apa itu investasi cara kanan? Itulah bisnis yang disebutkan di dalam al-Quran atau al-Hadits, yang sangat profitable, dijamin marketable dan  feasible di dunia dan di akhirat. Beberapa contoh investasi cara kanan itu adalah zakat, sedekah, menyembelih hewan qurban, haji dan umrah. Tulisan ini adalah testimoni tentang investasi umrah, yaitu ibadah “haji kecil” ke Baitullah di Makkah al-Mukarramah.

Banyak cerita aneh seputar umrah. Ada yang bilang uangnya sudah diganti sebelum berangkat, atau rezekinya serasa dicurahkan dari langit. Ada juga yang berpendapat bahwa umrah  itu bukan biaya, namun investasi. Dan bukan investasi akhirat saja, namun juga investasi dunia. Pengalaman ketika menunaikan ibadah umrah membuatku mempercayai hal itu.

Aku pegawai BUMN sejak tahun 1993. Alhamdulillah, kami mempunyai usaha sampingan dengan hasil yang lumayan. Tahun 2008 kami punya uang enam puluhan juta rupiah. Ada tiga keinginan untuk menggunakannya.

Yang pertama, merenovasi rumah. Kami punya rumah di Yogyakarta yang terkena gempa tahun 2006. Sudah lebih dari dua tahun kami biarkan karena belum punya dana yang cukup.

Kedua, untuk uang muka membeli mobil baru. Kami sudah beberapa kali mempunyai mobil, namun tidak pernah baru. Selalu second  hand, bahkan third hand, fourth hand atau entah hand ke berapa. Terakhir, tahun 2007, kami menjual mobil  kami, dan berjanji untuk tidak membeli mobil lagi kecuali mobil baru.

Dan yang ketiga, umrah dengan istri. Ketika menunaikan ibadah haji tahun 2007, aku sendirian, karena uangnya hanya cukup untukku. Kalau saja uangku banyak, pasti aku mengajak anak, istri dan keluarga. Aku iri melihat kemesraan suami istri jamaah haji yang bisa berangkat bersama. Aku berdoa di depan ka’bah agar bisa ziarah setiap tahun bersama istri.

Istriku memilih merenovasi rumah atau membeli mobil baru, namun aku memilih umrah. Aku merasa doaku agar bisa ziarah bersama istri sudah diijabahi.  Meskipun istriku ikut bekerja mengelola usaha dan menjadi menteri keuangan dalam kabinet  rumah tangga, namun kepala negara dan kepala pemerintahannya tetap aku. Maka dia makmum saja, dan kami berangkat umrah berdua.

Kami berdoa di depan ka’bah memohon kebaikan di dunia dan di akhirat.  Sungguh, Allah itu al-Ghanidan al-Mughni, Mahakaya dan Maha Mencukupi. Sulit dipercaya. Tidak berapa lama, usai umrah, kami bisa merehab rumah dan membeli mobil baru.

Alhamdulillaah. Ada saja rezeki yang datang, dengan berbagai cara, yang kalau saja kami tidak mengalami sendiri sendiri, mungkin kami juga tidak percaya.

Tahun 2011 kejadian serupa berulang lagi. Kami punya uang seratusan juta rupiah. Ada tiga keinginan untuk membelanjakannya.

Yang pertama, membayar hutang.  Ada usaha trading kami yang macet, sehingga aku harus menyelesaikan tanggung jawab sebesar enam ratusan juta rupiah. Kalau uang itu kami bayarkan, kami jadi tidak punya uang lagi. Dan hutang kami juga masih belum bisa lunas.

Kedua, membangun rumah di Ngawi, Jawa Timur. Sejak tahun 2003, ketika bertugas di Ngawi, kami membuka  usaha. Dua tahun kemudian saya pindah tugas ke Bogor, dan mengontrak rumah di Ngawi agar usaha tetap berlanjut. Dengan berjalannya waktu, kami bisa membeli sebidang tanah di dekat rumah kontrakan, dan membuat gudang sederhana. Istriku ingin punya rumah di Ngawi, karena rumah kami yang di Yogyakarta sudah “hilang” lantaran kalah Pemilukada di kampung halaman kami, Rembang Jawa Tengah, tahun 2010.

Dan, anak-anak kami menyebar di UGM Yogyakarta, IPB Bogor dan Pondok Modern Gontor Putri Ngawi. Membangun rumah untuk usaha, dengan anak tiga, pembantu, karyawan dan ibunda mertua, dengan uang hanya cepek, sungguh hal yang amat tidak sederhana.

Dan, keinginan yang ketiga, umrah lagi. Kami sepakat bulat, memilih opsi ketiga, ziarah ke baitullah. Kami berangkat bersama anak sulung kami.

Sebenarnya kami juga mengajak ibunda, namun beliau tidak bersedia. Salah satunya karena tahu jalan cerita sesungguhnya. Istriku terlalu berterung terang, bahwa karena uang kami tidak cukup untuk melunasi hutang atau membangun rumah, maka sekalian saja kami pakai umrah.

Kami berdoa di depan ka’bah memohon kebaikan di dunia dan di akhirat. Sungguh,  Allah itu al-Ghanidan al-Mughni, Mahakaya dan Maha Mencukupi. Sulit dipercaya. Tidak berapa lama,  usai umrah, kami bisa melunasi hutang dan membangun rumah.

Alhamdulillaah. Ada saja rezeki yang datang, dengan berbagai cara, yang kalau saja kami tidak mengalami sendiri sendiri, mungkin kami juga tidak percaya.

Sejak itu kami kian yakin, umrah itu bukan biaya, namun investasi. Bukan investasi akhirat saja, namun juga investasi dunia. Kalau ada orang yang tidak percaya, itu urusannya. Kami juga tidak pernah memusingkan pendapat orang bahwa daripada uang dipakai umrah berkali-kali, lebih baik disedekahkan kepada fakir miskin. Bisa lebih bermanfaat. Kami hanya berdoa usai Thawaf Wada’, selain mohon agar bisa ziarah tiap tahun  dengan penuh iman dan takwa, kami juga mohon agar jika kami umrah, kami juga bisa mengumrahkan saudara, keluarga atau orang lain.

Dan,  kami juga berdoa agar bisa bersedekah senilai investasi umrah. Sekali lagi investasi umrah, bukan biaya umrah. Dan bukan umrah saja yang merupakan investasi akhirat dan dunia, namun juga zakat, sedekah, qurban, haji, dan lain-lain membelanjakan harta di jalan Allah. Allah itu Mahakaya, Maha Mencukupi, Maha Memberi Rezeki, dan Maha Mengabulkan Doa.

Sumber : www.islamedia.web.id

Baca Artikel Lainnya : JAMAAH UMROH DI TAHUN 2014 MENINGKAT

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Lagi KPK kembali memeriksa Direktur Utama PT Pertamina Karen Agustiawan terkait penyidikan kasus dugaan penerimaan hadiah terkait kegiatan hulu minyak dan gas, Senin (27/1/2014).

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Lagi KPK kembali memeriksa Direktur Utama PT Pertamina Karen Agustiawan terkait penyidikan kasus dugaan penerimaan hadiah terkait kegiatan hulu minyak dan gas, Senin (27/1/2014). Kali ini, Karen akan diperiksa sebagai saksi bagi tersangka baru kasus itu, mantan Sekretaris Jenderal Kementerian Energi dan Sumber Daya Mineral Waryono Karno.

"Bersaksi untuk Pak Waryono," kata pengacara Karen, Rudi Alfonso di Gedung KPK, Kuningan, Jakarta.

Rudi mendampingi Karen diperiksa KPK pagi ini. Sementara Karen, enggan berkomentar kepada wartawan mengenai pemeriksaannya. "Ya enggak tahu, kan belum diperiksa, tunggu saja nanti selesainya, baru ini kita kasih tahu," sambung Rudi.

Lebih jauh mengenai kasus dugaan gratifikasi kegiatan hulu migas ini, Rudi mengatakan bahwa kliennya tidak tahu mengenai dugaan aliran dana ke Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR) yang diberikan mantan Kepala SKK Migas Rudi Rubiandini. Dia membantah dugaan PT Pertamina menyumbang dana untuk tunjangan hari raya (THR) anggota DPR.

"Kalau itu saya pastikan enggak ada. Ibu ini kan sudah sering diancam untuk dipecat tapi dia tidak pernah melayani permintaan itu," kata Rudi.

Sebelumnya, KPK memeriksa Karen sebagai saksi bagi tersangka Rudi Rubiandini. Dalam persidangan terdakwa kasus ini, Simon G Tanjaya di Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi Jakarta terungkap bahwa Simon menyuap Rudi terkait pelaksanaan lelang terbatas minyak mentah dan kondesat bagian negara di SKK Migas, antara lain dengan menyetujui Fossus Energy Ltd sebagai pemenang lelang terbatas kondensat Senipah bagian nehara pada 7 Juni 2013 periode Juli 2013.

Rudi juga menyetujui Fossus Energy sebagai pemenang lelang terbatas minyak mentah Minas/SLG bagian negara pada 4 Juli 2013 untuk periode Agustus 2013.

Saat dikonfirmasi soal lelang terbatas bagian negara tersebut seusai diperiksa sebagai saksi bagi Rudi beberapa waktu lalu, Karen tidak menjawab.

Sumber : Kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Dulu,dikampung saat ada acara perhelatan, sebelum acara utama di kemukakan sebelumnya disuguhkan kepada undangan makanan tradisi

Dulu,dikampung saat ada acara perhelatan, sebelum acara utama di kemukakan sebelumnya disuguhkan kepada undangan makanan tradisional yang dihidangkan oleh anak-anak muda yang memakai peci dan sarung dipinggang. Makanan tersebut dihidangkan dengan dulang yang berisikan : KALAMAI, NASI LAMAK, PINYARAM,dan ANAK INTI . Orang tua-tua selalu mengingatkan kepada generasi muda bahwa hidangan yang disebut SIJAMBA LANGKOK tersebut adalah makanan adat yang penuh simbol dan filosofinya dan tidak dapat diganti dengan bentuk lain. ********** Sijamba langkok adalah simbol dari urang ampek jinih yaitu : (penghulu,malin,manti dan dubalang) dalam bentuk makanan adat seperti : KALAMAI merupakan simbol dari penghulu dengan filosofinya dipacik baganggam taguah . Kato penghulu manyalasai. NASI LAMAK merupakan simbol dari malin dengan filosofinya dipacik arek diganggam taguah, suluah bendang dalam nagari, nan tahu dihala nan joharam. Kato alim kato hakikat. PINYARAM merupakan simbol dari manti , dengan filosofinya pipih nan buliah dilayangkan . Manti adalah urang yang arif bijaksano, nan tahu tinggi nan jo randah. Kato manti kato bahubuang. ANAK INTI merupakan simbol dari dubalang dengan filosofinya bulek nan buliah digolongkon. Dubalang berfungsi untuk parik paga dalam nagari, tahu jo ereang nan jo gendeang. Kato dubalang kato mandareh. Apabila kita tilik jumlah pinyaram dalam piring sebanyak 8 buah, melambangkan adalah undang-undang nan salapan, sementara 12 buah anak inti didalamnya adalah undang-undang nan 12 baleh. Keduanya disebut dengan undang-undang duo puluah. Undang-Undang Nan Duo Puluah. UU ini mengatur tentang tuduhan, kejahatan/kesalahan dan cemooh. Undang-Undang Dua Puluh dibagi atas dua bagian besar, yakni Undang-Undang Dua Belas dan Undang-Undang Nan Delapan. Undang-undang nan salapan, namo kasalahan supayo jaleh, sadang panyatokan kasalahan, iyolah undang-undang nan duo baleh. Kalau batamu di nan salapan, basuo pulo di nan duo baleh, baru marupo kasalahan mamanuhi adat nan babakeh. Pantun diatas menyatakan bahwa undang-undang nan salapan berisi nama kesalahan yang sudah jelas, sedangkan undang-undang nan duo baleh memperjelas dari suatu kesalahan. UNDANG-UNDANG NAN SALAPAN UU Nan Salapan adalah UU yang menyatakan kejahatan atau kesalahan besar yang disebut juga dengan "Cemo nan bakaadaan", yang artinya perkiraan orang banyak terhadap seseorang yang melakukan kejahatan, yang dibuktikan dengan "basuluah matohari, bagalanggang mato urang rami". 1. DAGO-DAGI MAMBARI MALU. adalah membantahi adat yang sudah biasa, atau bisa juga diartikan dago adalah bawahan kepada atasan sedangkan dagi salah atasan kepada bawahan. Seorang panghulu yang bersalah biasanya akan dihukum malam, artinya disuruh berhenti jadi panghulu dengan diam-diam, tak perlu diketahui oleh orang banyak karena akan memperoleh malu. Jadi cukup yang bersangkutan sendiri mengundurkan diri sambil mengatakan, "bukiklah tinggi, lurahlah dalam. 2. SUMBANG SALAH LAKU PARANGAI. Sumbang adalah perbuatan yang salah dipandang mata namun belum dapat dijatuhkan hukuman secara adat. Misalnya sering bertamu ke rumah seorang janda yang tidak pada waktunya, merebut istri orang. Sedangkan salah adalah perbuatan yang sudah dapat dijatuhi hukuman, contohnya "manggungguang mambaok tabang", artinya melarikan istri orang atau mengawini seseorang yang melanggar adat. 3.SAMUN SAKA TAGAK DI BATEH. Samun ialah mengambil barang orang dengan paksa ditempat yang sepi, sedangkan saka adalah menyamun (merampok) dengan membunuh atau memukul korbanya dengan alat sehingga dapat menyebabkan kematian. Hukuman bagi samun adalah "andam" atau dipenjara kemudian dapat dibebaskan kembali, sedangkan hukuman bagi saka adalah "andam karam" atau dipenjara seumur hidup. 4. UMBUAK UMBI BUDI MARANGKAK. Umbuak maksudnya menipu orang dengan rayuan-rayuan atau tipu muslihat, sedangkan umbi menipu orang dengan jalan kekerasan dan ancaman. 5. CURI MALIANG TALUANG DINDIANG. Curi adalah mengambil harta benda orang lain dengan cara bersembunyi yang dilakukan pada siang hari, sedangkan maling adalah mengambil pada waktu malam hari. Sebagai bukti bahwa ada kemalingan pada suatu rumah adalah "taluang dindiang", atau rusaknya dinding atau pintu yang digunakan oleh maling untuk masuk ke dalam rumah. 6. TIKAM BUNUAH PADANG BADARAH. Tikam adalah menikamkan senjata atau benda tajam kepada orang lain sampai luka yang dibuktikan dengan terlukanya anggota tubuh dan darah yang meleleh serta senjata yang digunakannya berdarah. Sedangkan bunuah adalah menikam senjata atau atau tidak kepada seseorang untuk melenyapkan nyawa orang lain, yang dibuktikan dengan mayat yang terbujur. 7. SIA BAKA SABATANG SULUAH. Sia adalah menyulutkan api kepada suatu barang tetapi tidak sampai menghanguskan atau hanya sebahagian yang terbakar. Sedangkan baka adalah membakar sesuatu dengan tujuan untuk menghanguskan sampai menjadi abu. 8. UPEH RACUN BATABUANG SAYAK. Upeh adalah ramuan yang dijadikan racun yang dapat mematikan, baik dalam seketika atau dalam waktu yang lama. Sedangkan "tabuang sayak" adalah tempat menyimpan upeh atau racun tersebut yang digunakan sebagai alat bukti. UNDANG-UNDANG NAN DUO BALEH 1.ANGGANG LALU ANTAH JATUAH. Misalnya kita lewat di jalan kampung. Sepeninggal kita ada rumah orang dijalan tersebut yang kehilangan, sedangkan tidak ada orang lain yang lewat jalan tersebut. Tentu kecurigaan orang akan jatuh kepada kita. 2. PULANG PAGI BABASAH-BASAH. Misalnya kita ketemu dengan orang yang pakaiannya basah kuyup. Satu hari kemudian, kita mendengar di kampung lain ada orang yang kehilangan (dimaling), dan malingnya lari setelah jatuh ke dalam kolam. Tentu saja kita akan curiga kepada orang yang kita temui dalam keadaan basah tersebut. 3. BAJALAN BAGAGEH-GAGEH. Misalnya ketika duduk di warung kita melihat ada orang yang berjalan cepat dan tergesa-gesa sehingga orang di warung tercengang dibuatnya. Tak berapa lama kemudian, terdengar kabar ada kemalingan atau kebaran di suatu tempat, tentu pikiran orang yang ada di warung, orang yang berjalan cepat-cepat tadilah pelakunya. 4. KACINDORONGAN MATO URANG BANYAK. Misalnya pagi hari kita bersama-sama duduk di warung, kemudian melihat seseorang pulang pagi dan berjalan cepat-cepat, sehingga semua pandangan mata orang yang duduk di warung tertuju kepadanya. 5. DIBAOK RIBUIK DIBAOK ANGIN. Ada seseorang yang menganiaya orang lain, kemudian diketahui oleh orang lain. Orang tersebut tentu akan menceritakan kejadian itu kepada yang lainnya sehingga orang sekampung akhirnya tahu kejadian itu. 6. DIBAOK PIKEK DIBAOK LANGAU. Misalnya ada orang yang membunuh, kemudian mayat korbannya dibuang ke semak-semak belukar. Perbuatan itu diketahui oleh seseorang. Walaupun awalnya dia takut untuk menceritakan kejadian itu kepada orang lain karena diancam oleh pelaku, lama-kelamaan tentu dia akan menceritakan juga kejadian itu kepada orang lain sehingga akhirnya khalayak umum tahu dengan kejadian tersebut. 7. TATUKIAK JAJAK MANDAKI. Adalah jejak yang tinggal ketika seseorang melakukan suatu kejahatan, misalnya mencuri pada suatu rumah. Walaupun begitu, tentu tidak bisa menuduh seseorang hanya dengan jejak yang tertinggal. 8. TADORONG JAJAK MANURUN. Sama dengan "tatukiak jajak manurun", yaitu jejak yang tinggal ketika seseorang melakukan suatu kejahatan. 9.BAJUA BAMURAH-MURAH. Biasanya, orang yang mengambil milik orang lain akan menjual barang yang dicurinya dengan harga murah agar cepat dibeli oleh orang lain, karena apabila barang tersebut lama berada ditangannya, tentu akan cepat ketahuan bahwa dialah yang mengambil barang tersebut. Sipembeli, (seharusnya) tentu merasa curiga dengan harga tersebut, dan dia (juga seharusnya) akan mencari informasi tentang identitas penjual barang. Apabila dia mendengar ada orang kehilangan barang yang sama dengan yang ditawarkan pemuda tersebut, orang akan menarik kesimpulan bahwa barang tersebut adalah hasil curian. 10. BATIMBANG JAWEK DITANYOI. Pengertiannya dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah berselisih faham atau bisa juga diartikan dengan menjawab bertele-tele. Misalnya, ada kasus kemalingan kemudian pihak berwajib menanyai beberapa penduduk. Ketika tertanya kepada pelaku pencurian, tentu saja jawaban yang akan diberikannya bertele-tele sehingga aparat segera mengambil kesimpulan bahwa dialah pelaku pencurian itu. 11. LAH BAURIAH BAK SIPASIN. Misalnya seseorang melakukan pencurian, ketika sedang beraksi, tersenggol benda tajam sehingga melukai tangannya dan darahnya ada yang tercecer. Ketika aparat berwajib melakukan pengusutan, tentu salah satu bukti yang bisa digunakan adalah darah yang tercecer tersebut. 12. LAH BAJAJAK BAK BAKIAK. Maksudnya disini adalah, ketika seseorang melakukan pencurian kepergok oleh orang lain sehingga penduduk beramai-ramai dapat menangkap pelaku pencurian tersebut. Di Pandai Sikek dikenal salah nan salapan sebagai berikut : Salah kato , Salah rupo , Salah cando, Salah raso, Salah cotok, Salah lulue, Salah tariak, Sumbang Salah . Empat salah patamo seperti : Salah kato, salah rupo, salah cando, salah raso, tamasuak kasalahan ringan nan cukup disapo (ditegur) sajo, dan diubahi. Salah cotok, salah lulue, salah tariak, pernah diberi sangsi nan barek . Salah cotok bakuduang paruah Salah lulue babadah paruik Salah tariak mangumbalikan. Sumbang-salah adolah kasalan nan paliang barek: sudahlah sumbang, salah pulo. Biasonyo mambaie dando ka nagari.

MITHA SUKSES berlokasi di Bekasi.Saat ini.. membeli dan belanja pakaian dan baju baju murah secara online bagi sebagian orang mu

MITHA SUKSES berlokasi di Bekasi.Saat ini.. membeli dan belanja pakaian dan baju baju murah secara online bagi sebagian orang mungkin sudah menjadi hal yang lazim dan malah terasa mengasyikkan karena selain praktis juga bisa menghemat waktu dan tenaga, namun tak bisa di pungkiri bahwa masih banyak juga orang yang merasa ragu, khawatir dan takut untuk melakukan pembelian melalui media yang di namakan toko baju dan pakaian online.
Kami menjual Baju Muslimah/ Baju WanitaZenitha Kids
*Dannis
*Rivantie kids
*Little Mutif
*Qirani Kids
*Busana Remaja
*Zenitha Belia
*Qirani Teen
Dapatkan keuntungan Fantastis bila Beli online disini :
1.DISKON GROSIR up to 5% sampai 30%
2. DISKON RESELLER 10% samapai 35% TANPA SYARAT
3.FREE ONGKIR JABODETABEK min beli 100rb (setelah diskon).
4.OBRAL DISKON up to 50% (di kategori produk Obral).
5.Model Terkini dan HARGA MURAH.
6.Bisa beli ecer/ grosir,
7.Garansi 100%.

 

 

mithasukses.com

Ribuan buruh yang tergabung dari sejumlah elemen buruh dari sejumlah kawasan industri di Bekasi dan Karawang telah mulai memasuki Jakarta. Berbondong-bondong mereka berkonvoi.

JAKARTA, Saco- Indonesia.com - Ribuan buruh yang tergabung dari sejumlah elemen buruh dari sejumlah kawasan industri di Bekasi dan Karawang telah mulai memasuki Jakarta. Berbondong-bondong mereka berkonvoi.

Berdasarkan pengamatan Kompas.com di depan Kantor Kemenakertrans di Jalan Gatot Subroto, Jakarta Selatan, Rabu (1/5/2013) sekitar pukul 09.50 WIB, mereka datang dengan menumpang bus, truk serta sepeda motor. Ratusan bus-bus terlihat melalui ruas jalan tol dalam kota, sedangkan para buruh yang menggunakan sepeda motor melalui jalan reguler.

Tak ayal hal tersebut membuat kemacetan di ruas Jalan Gatot Subroto yang mengarah ke Semanggi. Namun di ruas sebaliknya, lalu lintas lancar.

Sesuai jadwal, sejumlah elemen buruh akan memulai rangkaian aksi unjuk rasa mereka dalam peringatan Hari Buruh Internasional di Bundaran HI, kemudian dilanjutkan long march menuju Istana Negara.

 

Sumber :  KOMPAS.com
Editor : Maulana Lee

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

Though Robin and Joan Rolfs owned two rare talking dolls manufactured by Thomas Edison’s phonograph company in 1890, they did not dare play the wax cylinder records tucked inside each one.

The Rolfses, longtime collectors of Edison phonographs, knew that if they turned the cranks on the dolls’ backs, the steel phonograph needle might damage or destroy the grooves of the hollow, ring-shaped cylinder. And so for years, the dolls sat side by side inside a display cabinet, bearers of a message from the dawn of sound recording that nobody could hear.

In 1890, Edison’s dolls were a flop; production lasted only six weeks. Children found them difficult to operate and more scary than cuddly. The recordings inside, which featured snippets of nursery rhymes, wore out quickly.

Yet sound historians say the cylinders were the first entertainment records ever made, and the young girls hired to recite the rhymes were the world’s first recording artists.

Year after year, the Rolfses asked experts if there might be a safe way to play the recordings. Then a government laboratory developed a method to play fragile records without touching them.

Audio

The technique relies on a microscope to create images of the grooves in exquisite detail. A computer approximates — with great accuracy — the sounds that would have been created by a needle moving through those grooves.

In 2014, the technology was made available for the first time outside the laboratory.

“The fear all along is that we don’t want to damage these records. We don’t want to put a stylus on them,” said Jerry Fabris, the curator of the Thomas Edison Historical Park in West Orange, N.J. “Now we have the technology to play them safely.”

Last month, the Historical Park posted online three never-before-heard Edison doll recordings, including the two from the Rolfses’ collection. “There are probably more out there, and we’re hoping people will now get them digitized,” Mr. Fabris said.

The technology, which is known as Irene (Image, Reconstruct, Erase Noise, Etc.), was developed by the particle physicist Carl Haber and the engineer Earl Cornell at Lawrence Berkeley. Irene extracts sound from cylinder and disk records. It can also reconstruct audio from recordings so badly damaged they were deemed unplayable.

“We are now hearing sounds from history that I did not expect to hear in my lifetime,” Mr. Fabris said.

The Rolfses said they were not sure what to expect in August when they carefully packed their two Edison doll cylinders, still attached to their motors, and drove from their home in Hortonville, Wis., to the National Document Conservation Center in Andover, Mass. The center had recently acquired Irene technology.

Audio

Cylinders carry sound in a spiral groove cut by a phonograph recording needle that vibrates up and down, creating a surface made of tiny hills and valleys. In the Irene set-up, a microscope perched above the shaft takes thousands of high-resolution images of small sections of the grooves.

Stitched together, the images provide a topographic map of the cylinder’s surface, charting changes in depth as small as one five-hundredth the thickness of a human hair. Pitch, volume and timbre are all encoded in the hills and valleys and the speed at which the record is played.

At the conservation center, the preservation specialist Mason Vander Lugt attached one of the cylinders to the end of a rotating shaft. Huddled around a computer screen, the Rolfses first saw the wiggly waveform generated by Irene. Then came the digital audio. The words were at first indistinct, but as Mr. Lugt filtered out more of the noise, the rhyme became clearer.

“That was the Eureka moment,” Mr. Rolfs said.

In 1890, a girl in Edison’s laboratory had recited:

There was a little girl,

And she had a little curl

Audio

Right in the middle of her forehead.

When she was good,

She was very, very good.

But when she was bad, she was horrid.

Recently, the conservation center turned up another surprise.

In 2010, the Woody Guthrie Foundation received 18 oversize phonograph disks from an anonymous donor. No one knew if any of the dirt-stained recordings featured Guthrie, but Tiffany Colannino, then the foundation’s archivist, had stored them unplayed until she heard about Irene.

Last fall, the center extracted audio from one of the records, labeled “Jam Session 9” and emailed the digital file to Ms. Colannino.

“I was just sitting in my dining room, and the next thing I know, I’m hearing Woody,” she said. In between solo performances of “Ladies Auxiliary,” “Jesus Christ,” and “Dead or Alive,” Guthrie tells jokes, offers some back story, and makes the audience laugh. “It is quintessential Guthrie,” Ms. Colannino said.

The Rolfses’ dolls are back in the display cabinet in Wisconsin. But with audio stored on several computers, they now have a permanent voice.

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

Advertisement

Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

Advertisement

Advertisement

Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.