Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung

Bengkulu, Saco-Indonesia.com - Sejumlah 25 orang siswa sebuah Sekolah Menengah Kejuruan (SMK) di Kota Bengkulu yang terlibat dalam aksi penyerangan SMAN 7 Plus ditangkap dan dimasukkan sementara ke dalam sel di Polsek Gading Cempaka, Bengkulu,

Bengkulu, Saco-Indonesia.com - Sejumlah 25 orang siswa sebuah Sekolah Menengah Kejuruan (SMK) di Kota Bengkulu yang terlibat dalam aksi penyerangan SMAN 7 Plus ditangkap dan dimasukkan sementara ke dalam sel di Polsek Gading Cempaka, Bengkulu, Jumat (17/1/2014).

"Sampai dengan saat ini baru 25 orang siswa SMK yang melakukan penyerangan telah diamankan, selanjutnya akan didata, dan polisi masih berkoordinasi dengan pihak sekolah yang bersangkutan," kata Kepala Kepolisian Sektor Gading Cempaka, AKP. Mayndra Eka Wardana.

Saat ini kata dia, jajaran Polsek Gading dibantu, Polres dan Polda Bengkulu masih melakukan penyisiran di beberapa tempat yang diduga tempat para siswa SMK tersebut berkumpul untuk melakukan penyerangan dadakan ke SMAN 7 Plus.

Sebelumnya, dilaporkan tidak kurang dari 80 orang siswa SMK Kota Bengkulu, menyerang dan melempari kaca ruangan perpustakaan di SMAN 7 plus, akbiatnya beberapa kaca sekolah pecah, pukul 09.00 WIB, Jumat (17/1/2014).

Penyerangan diduga berawal pada Kamis (16/1/2014) ketika kedua tim futsal sekolah bertanding, hasil pertandingan menujukkan SMK kalah melawan SMAN 7 plus, tak terima kalah nyaris terjadi baku pukul namun berhasil diredakan oleh panitia pelaksana.

Namun, tanpa diduga hari ini puluhan siswa SMK datang ke sekolah SMAN 7 Plus menyerang dan melempari batu. Selain memecahkan kaca perpustakaan, lemparan siswa SMK tersebut juga melukai seorang guru dan beberapa siswa SMAN 7 plus.

Penyerangan yang dilakukan secara mendadak itu mendapatkan perlawanan dari para siswa SMAN 7 plus. Aksi saling serang dan lempar batu tak terhindarkan. Puluhan aparat polisi mendatangi lokasi kejadian, tembakan peringatan ke udara dikeluarkan petugas kepolisian untuk menghentikan aksi tawuran itu.

Beberapa kali siswa SMK bersembunyi selanjutnya datang lagi menyerang sekolah sehingga merepotkan pihak kepolisian. Polisi akhirnya menyisir beberapa tempat yang diduga menjadi tempat para siswa SMK berkumpul untuk merencanakan serangan.

Penyisiran polisi membuahkan hasil sebanyak 25 orang siswa SMK diamankan dan dititipkan di tahanan Polsek Gading Cempaka untuk beberapa waktu hingga adanya titik terang damai dari kedua belah pihak dan para orangtua siswa.

Sumber : kampas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Menteri Dalam Negeri Gamawan Fauzi juga menyatakan 23 gubernur di Indonesia telah mengajukan izin cuti untuk menjadi juru kampanye pada Pemilihan Umum Legislatif 2014. Selain 23 gubernur, 11 wakil gubernur juga sudah mengajukan izin cuti untuk kampanye.

Menteri Dalam Negeri Gamawan Fauzi juga menyatakan 23 gubernur di Indonesia telah mengajukan izin cuti untuk menjadi juru kampanye pada Pemilihan Umum Legislatif 2014. Selain 23 gubernur, 11 wakil gubernur juga sudah mengajukan izin cuti untuk kampanye.

"Saat masa kampanye Pemilu 2014 yang telah diberlakukan oleh Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) , bagi gubernur yang ingin menjadi juru kampanye (jurkam) hanya diperbolehkan selama dua hari kerja serta harus mendapatkan izin dari Mendagri," kata Gamawan di Pekanbaru , Selasa (18/3).

Gamawan telah kembali menjelaskan, dua hari tersebut adalah cuti di hari kerja, sementara di hari libur cukup memberikan laporan. Kalau melanggar, maka akan ada tindakan dari Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum (Bawaslu).

Mendagri juga menjelaskan, sampai saat ini pihaknya juga telah menerima pengajuan izin cuti untuk sebanyak 23 gubernur dan 11 wakil gubernur. "Jumlah itu akan bertambah karena kampanye masih berlangsung. Sementara untuk bupati atau wali kota, izin cuti kampanyenya berada di gubernur, bukan mendagri," katanya.

Kepala Biro Tata Pemerintahan Setdaprov Riau, Muhammad Guntur juga mengatakan sampai saat ini sudah ada empat bupati yang mendapatkan izin cuti kampanye ke Gubernur Riau Annas Maamun.

Mereka adalah Bupati Siak, Syamsuar, Bupati Kuantan Singingi, Sukarmis, Bupati Kampar, Jefri Noer, dan Bupati Rokan Hulu, Achmad.

    saco-indonesia.com,     kau tak sepenuhnya sendiri     aku kan slalu ada di

    saco-indonesia.com,

    kau tak sepenuhnya sendiri
    aku kan slalu ada disini
    mengapa oh mengapa dirimu
    penuh dengan rasa bimbang

    *
    tak perlu kau pergi tuk mencari
    mencari arti cinta

    Reff :
    aku sendiri di sini menunggu
    aku sendiri di sini menanti
    aku tak terbiasa untuk berharap
    berlari untuk mengejar dirimu
    dalam menggapai semua impiku
    smoga kau kan tetap jadi apa yang ku inginkan

    mengapa oh mengapa dirimu
    penuh dengan rasa bimbang

    back to * , Reff

    jangan pernah berubah
    ingat janjimu
    jangan pernah menghilang
    dari hatiku

    back to Reff

    Editor : dian sukmawati

 

Sebanyak 99,48% siswa sekolah menengah atas (SMA) sederajat atau 1.573.036 siswa  dinyatakan lulus Ujian Nasional (UN) untu

Sebanyak 99,48% siswa sekolah menengah atas (SMA) sederajat atau 1.573.036 siswa  dinyatakan lulus Ujian Nasional (UN) untuk tahun ajaran 2012/2013, sedangkan yang tidak lulus sebanyak 8.260 siswa atau 0,52 persen. Adapun total seluruh peserta UN SMA sederajat 1.581.286 siswa.

“Hasil kelulusan dan dan tidak lulusnya siswa ditentukan dari kombinasi hasil nilai UN sebanyak 60 persen dan 40 persen dari nilai sekolah,” kata Mendikbud M Nuh pada konferensi pers pengumuman hasil UN Tahun Ajaran 2012/2013 SMA/MA/SMK sederajat di Jakarta, Kamis (23/5).Turut hadir Ketua Badan Standar Nasional Pendidikan (BSNP) Aman Wirakartakusumah dan anggota Jemari Mardapi.

Menurut Nuh, dibandingkan tahun lalu prosentase kelulusan 99.50 persen, sehingga terjadi penurunan 0,02 persen pada tahun ini.”Terjadinya penurunan kelulusan dimungkinkan karena adanya variasi soal tahun ini menjadi 20 soal UN dan tingkat kerumitan soal,” ungkapnya.
Adapun peserta UN yang paling banyak tidak lulus adalah pertama,Nanggro Aceh Darussalam (NAD) dengan 3,11 persen atau 1.754 siswa dari 65 ribu peserta UN. “Kedua, Papua dan ketiga Sulawesi Tengah (Sulteng),” kata M Nuh.

Sedangkan Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT) tidak lagi menjadi provinsi yang tingkat ketidaklulusannya tertinggi. “Hal ini karena Kemendikbud melakukan intervensi terhadap provinsi itu berupa penambahan guru serta perbaikan sarana dan prasarana,” ujar mantan Rektor ITS Surabaya itu.

Dijelaskan, untuk tahun ini masih ada sekolah dengan angka ketidaklulusan sebesar 100 persen. Tercatat, sebanyak 24 sekolah atau sebesar 0,16 persen dengan tingkat ketidaklulusan 100 persen dengan jumlah 899 siswa.Namun lebih banyak sekolah yang 100 persen lulus, yaitu 15.476 sekolah atau sebesar 87 persen dengan jumlah 1,3 juta siswa.

Sementara provinsi dengan tingkat kelulusan 100 persen adalah Jawa Barat. Secara nasional, tambah Nuh, nilai UN tingkat SMA sederajat tahun ini juga mengalami penurunan dibandingkan tahun sebelumnya. Jika tahun lalu rata-rata nilai UN 7,7, tahun ini hanya mencapai 6,35.

“Untuk rata-rata nilai UN tertinggi tahun ini 9,87 dan yang terendah 0,33,” ungkap Nuh. Yang menarik,lanjut dia, dalam hasil evaluasi UN 2013 di sejumlah sekolah, rata-rata nilai UN lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan rata rata nilai Ujian Sekolah.(Bangkit wibisono)

Malem ini aku mulai lapar, seiring dengan itu aku kembali pada tempat nyamanku tempat yang mereka anggap aneh, ambigu, abstark

Malem ini aku mulai lapar,
seiring dengan itu aku kembali pada tempat nyamanku
tempat yang mereka anggap aneh, ambigu, abstark
atau apapun yang mereka katakan

alunan musik dari si gudang vidio 'youtube'
memberi makanan terhadap telingaku,
namun kusadari banyak dari elemen tubuhku yang kelaparan
sembari mendengar, aku mengucap, aku juga menulis

''Awalnya ku tak mengerti apa yang sedang kurasakan
Segalanya berubah dan rasa rindu itu pun ada
Sejak kau hadir disetiap malam ditidurku
Aku tahu sesuatu sedang terjadi padaku

Sudah sekian lama kualami pedih putus cinta
Dan mulai terbiasa hidup sendiri tanpa asmara
Dan hadirmu membawa cinta sembuhkan lukaku
Kau berbeda dari yang kukira

Aku jatuh cinta kepada dirinya
Sungguh-sungguh cinta
Oh apa adanya

Tak pernah kuragu
Namun tetap selalu menunggu
Sungguh aku…
Jatuh cinta kepadanya

Coba-coba dengarkan apa yang ingin aku katakan
Yang selama ini sungguh telah lama terpendam
Aku tak percaya membuatku tak berdaya
Tuk ungkapkan apa yang kurasa

Kadang aku cemburu
Kadang aku gelisah
Seringnya ku tak mampu lalui hariku
Tak dapat kupungkiri
Hatiku yang terdalam
Betapa aku jatuh cinta kepadanya''

Yang jadi pertanyaan adalah,
"emang aku bisa berucap merdu?"
"emang punya buku buat ditulis?"

tentu tak merdu, juga tak aku punya selembar kertaspun untuk kucoret.
tp aku kan ndak peduli nasib pendengar, salah siapa mendengar. :D
Jelas aku tak menulis di buku, aku menuliskan disini,
yups, disini, ditempat kau membaca tulisan ini.

namun aku juga share kepada beberapa orang normal.
kau tau reaksi mereka??
walah, macem2. mulai "sedih", "dieeemm", "badaaii bangau(yg ini aku tak tau)", "ada yang ngajakin duet lagu -sang kodok-" , "kenyih", "gini nih kalo udh masuk idol", "jangan dengerin dia. bisa gilaa ntar kalian".

dan ketika aku sudah ditemani makan, semuanya berhenti,
aku sudah kenyang, kuakhiri jua tulisanku bersama dengan berakhirnya laparku.

selamat malam,

#hanya sebuah tulisan untuk nutrisi jiwaku

 

saco-indonesia.com, Kantor Royal Lindo Grup di Jalan Tanah Abang 1 Blok 1 No.10, Gambir, Jakarta Pusat, telah dibobol maling, Sa

saco-indonesia.com, Kantor Royal Lindo Grup di Jalan Tanah Abang 1 Blok 1 No.10, Gambir, Jakarta Pusat, telah dibobol maling, Sabtu (1/2) dinihari. Peristiwa pencurian di perkantoran itu baru telah diketahui karyawan yang mau masuk kerja, pagi.

“Saat karyawan mau masuk melihat kantor sudah terbuka kemudian dilaporkan pada pemiliknya Iqbal,” tegas Kapolsek Gambir AKBP Agung, saat dikonfirmasi.

Keterangan yang telah dihimpun, kejadian tersebut telah diperkirakan tengah malam dan baru diketahui sekitar pukul 08:00 pagi , saat salah seorang karyawan mau masuk dan telah melihat pintu sudah terbuka. Khawatir akan terjadi apa-apa, kasus ini telah dilaporkan ke pemilik perusahaan diteruskan ke Polsek Gambir.

Petugas dari Polsek Gambir pimpinan Kanit Reskrim Kompol Joko Waluyo, yang tiba di lokasi segera melakukan olah TKP di ruangan yang sudah diacak-acak oleh pelaku.

Dari tempat kejadian itu, petugas telah menemukan sidik jari salah satu pelaku yang nempel di di atas meja yang ada kaca. “Kerena barang-barang berantakan hingga pemilik belum tahu barang-barang apa saja yang hilang serta jumlah keruigian,” kata kapolsek.

Hingga saat ini petugas Polsek Gambir serta Polres Jakarta Pusat, masih harus melekukan pemeriksaan sejumlah saksi dan warga sekitar yang telah diduga mengetahui kejadian itu.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Gempa berkekuatan 5,4 skala richter telah menggoyang wilayah Maluku pukul 08.00 pagi WIB. Pusat gempa telah berada di lokasi 7.70 lintang selatan, 126.02 bujur timur, atau 43 kilometer barat laut Maluku.

Gempa berkekuatan 5,4 skala richter telah menggoyang wilayah Maluku pukul 08.00 pagi WIB. Pusat gempa telah berada di lokasi 7.70 lintang selatan, 126.02 bujur timur, atau 43 kilometer barat laut Maluku.

Menurut data Badan Meteorologi, Klimatologi dan Geofisika (BMKG), pusat gempa telah berada di kedalaman laut 416 kilometer, dan dirasakan oleh masyarakat dengan skala I-II MMI.

"Gempa tidak berpotensi tsunami. Masyarakat tetap menjalankan aktivitas normal. Harap terus waspada dengan gempa karena gempa mendadak, tidak ada tanda-tanda karena bersifat quick on set dan merusak," kata Kepala Pusat Data Informasi dan Humas Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Bencana Sutopo Purwo Nugroho.

Seperti halnya Bunaken, Wakatobi juga merupakan kawasan diving populer yang telah menjadi kebanggaan Indonesia. Terletak di Sula

Seperti halnya Bunaken, Wakatobi juga merupakan kawasan diving populer yang telah menjadi kebanggaan Indonesia. Terletak di Sulawesi Tenggara, Wakatobi juga telah memiliki terumbu karang yang sangat luar biasa indah dan ikan-ikan cantik yang telah membuat traveler seluruh dunia tidak bosan untuk mengunjungi tempat wisata ini. Asal kamu tahu, Wakatobi juga telah memiliki 750 dari 850 spesies koral, jenis karang yang beragam serta makhluk laut yang sudah sulit ditemukan di daerah lain.

Wakatobi sendiri juga merupakan kependekan dari nama empat pulai besar di Sulawesi, yaitu Wangi-wangi, Kaledupa, Tomia dan Binongko. Wanci adalah ibukota Wakatobi yang terletak di Pulau Wangi-wangi. Anda juga tidak akan kesulitan untuk mencari akses dari dan ke Wanci karena kota ini sudah tersedia berbagai macam alternatif transportasi mulai dari taksi, angkot sampai ojek.

Semakin tergoda mengunjungi Wakatobi, travelers? Anda juga bisa menjangkau tempat ini dengan transportasi udara yang ditempuh dari Jakarta atau Surabaya dengan tujuan Makassar. Setelah sampai di Makassar, anda juga bisa melanjutkan perjalanan dengan penerbangan lanjutan ke Kendari atau Bau Bau. Setelah itu, perjalanan akan dilakukan melalui jalur udara, kapal cepat atau kapal kayu ke Wangi wangi, Kaledupa dan Tomia.

Anda sebenarnya bisa memangkas biaya transportasi dengan menggunakan kapal laut dari Makassar. Tapi, Anda akan membuang banyak waktu karena perjalanan itu akan memakan waktu hingga 10 jam. Jadi, transportasi udara adalah pilihan terbaik supaya kamu bisa menjelajah Wakatobi secara maksimal.

Tiba di Wakatobi, jika belum melakukan reservasi, tentu anda harus mencari penginapan. Tidak perlu pusing, travelers, karena Wakatobi juga punya banyak pilihan penginapan mulai dari hotel standar dengan tarif Rp150 ribu per malam hingga resort bintang lima dengan tarif mencapai Rp1,5 juta per malam. Atau kalau Anda ingin lebih menghemat bujet, Anda juga bisa memilih penginapan warga alias homestay dengan rata-rata tarif Rp50 ribu.

Untuk opsi lokasi penyelaman dan snorkeling, Anda juga bisa menemukan banyak tempat menarik di Wanci. Biasanya, spot di sekitar pelabuhan kapal fery, belakang Hotel Wakatobi atau sekitar Patuno Resort dan Pantai Sousu adalah lokasi yang paling dekat dan sering dikunjungi turis. Tapi, kalau Anda ingin menikmati lokasi yang lebih jauh, Anda juga bisa ke Pulau Tomia dan Binongko yang memakan waktu lima jam perjalanan dengan speed boat.

Kalau Anda tidak punya perlengkapan, tidak perlu khawatir karena di Wakatobi juga terdapat banyak penyewaan alat diving maupun snorkeling, lengkap dengan pemandu dan kapal yang akan mengantarkan Anda ke tempat penyelaman. Di lokasi tertentu, Anda juga bisa menjumpai ikan napoleon dengan ukuran besar, atau melihat kelinci laut serta ragam bintang laut. Tentu saja, Anda juga akan menyaksikan keindahan ragam terumbu karang yang menjadi keunggulan Wakatobi.

Tapi, jangan salah, travelers, Wakatobi lebih dari sekadar diving dan snorkeling lho! Anda juga bisa menyaksikan atraksi lumba-lumba ataupun menikmati pemandangan matahari terbit dan tenggelam di Hoga, salah satu spot terbaik di Wakatobi.

Supaya puas mengelilingi Wakatobi, Anda setidaknya harus meluangkan waktu satu minggu. Pasalnya, perjalanan satu pulau ke pulau lainnya harus dilakukan dengan speedboat dengan jadwal tertentu yang kadang tak bisa diandalkan. Kalau ingin berkunjung Wakatobi, sebaiknya antara bulan Oktober sampai awal Desember dan bulan April hinga Juni. Karena saat itu laut berombak kecil sehingga memudahkan untuk dapat melakukan perjalanan dan lebih nyaman untuk berenang atau snorkeling.

Rasulullah (R) bertanya : “Apa yg kau rasakan jika melihat seseorang dari umatku hendak shalat?” Iblis (I) menj



Rasulullah (R) bertanya : “Apa yg kau rasakan jika melihat seseorang dari umatku hendak shalat?”
Iblis (I) menjawab: “aku merasa panas dingin dan gemetar”
R: “kenapa?”
I: “Sebab setiap seorang hamba besujud1X kepada Allah, Allah mengangkatnya 1 derajat”
R: “jika seorang umatku berpuasa?”
I: “tubuhku terasa terikat hingga ia berbuka”
R: “jika ia berhaji?”
I: “aku seperti orang gila”
R: “jika ia membaca Al-Quran?”
I: “aku merasa meleleh laksana timah diatas api”
R: “jika ia bersedekah?”
I: “itu sama saja org tsb m'belah tubuhku dgn gergaji”
R: “mengapa bisa begitu?“
I: ”sebab dalam sedekah ada 4 keuntungan baginya, yaitu :
1. Keberkahan dlm hartanya,
2. Hidupnya disukai,
3. Sedekah itu kelak akan menjadi hijab antara dirinya dgn api neraka,
4. Terhindar dari segala macam musibah akan terhalau dr dirinya,
R: “apa yg dapat mematahkan pinggangmu?”
I: “suara kuda perang di jalan Allah.”
R: “apa yg dapat melelehkan tubuhmu?”
I: “taubat org yg bertaubat”
R: “apa yg dpt membakar hatimu?”
I: “istigfar di waktu siang & malam”
R: “apa yg dpt mencoreng wajahmu?”
I: “sedekah yg diam2”
R: “apa yg dpt menusuk matamu?”
I: “shalat fajar”
R: “apa yg dpt memukul kepalamu?”
I: “shalat berjamaah”
R: “apa yg paling mengganggumu”
I: “majelis para ulama”
R: “bagaimana cara makanmu?”
I: “dengan tangan kiri dan jariku”
R: “dimanakah kau menaungi anak2mu di musim panas?”
I: “dibawah kuku manusia”
R: “siapa temanmu wahai iblis?”
I: “pezina”
R: “siapa teman tidurmu?”
I: “pemabuk”
R: “siapa tamumu?”
I: “pencuri”
R: “siapa utusanmu?”
I: “tukang sihir (dukun)”
R: “apa yg membuatmu gembira?”
I: “bersumpah dgn cerai”
R: “siapa kekasihmu?”
I: “org yg meninggalkan Sholat Jum'at”
R: “siapa manusia yg paling membahagiakanmu ?"
I: “org yg meninggalkan shalatnya dgn sengaja”

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Mr. King sang for the Drifters and found success as a solo performer with hits like “Spanish Harlem.”

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Photo
 
Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

Advertisement

Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

Advertisement

Advertisement

Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

Photo
 
 
The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.

Ms. Turner and her twin sister founded the Love Kitchen in 1986 in a church basement in Knoxville, Tenn., and it continues to provide clothing and meals.