Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasir Endah Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirwangi Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasanggrahan Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Pasirjati Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung Hubungi : 085711904807 Kami Tenaga ahli yang berpengalaman lebih dari 10 Tahun yang bergerak dalam bidang pelatihan mengoperasikan dan memprogram mesin CNC Milling. Spesial diskon untuk Paket Perusahaan / Instansi, Paket Perguruan Tinggi dan Paket Sekolah/Guru/Siswa yang ingin bekerjasama Hubungi Tim Marketing kami : 085711904807 (Seminar, Workshop, Projek, dll. *Office : LKP SINDO (Lembaga Kursus dan Pelatihan Sinergi Indonesia) Jl. Ters. Cisokan Dalam No. 21 Bandung *Workshop : PT. Tekmindo (Teknologi Manufaktur Indonesia) Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Cigending Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Ujung Berung Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Babakan Ciamis Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Merdeka Bandung

Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung

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Info Tempat Kursus Mesin CNC Murah di Kebon Pisang Bandung

Sewa Mobil di JABODETABEK ( Jakarta Bogor Depok Tangerang Bekasi ) banyak jenisnya, syarat ketentuan yang berlaku juga sangat be

Sewa Mobil di JABODETABEK ( Jakarta Bogor Depok Tangerang Bekasi ) banyak jenisnya, syarat ketentuan yang berlaku juga sangat bervariasi terutama masalah jenis mobil dan harga sewa. Perusahaan biasanya menyediakan sopir, tetapi Anda pun juga diperbolehkan menyetir sendiri ( self drive ) atau Lepas Kunci. Apabila Anda ingini menggunakan jasa Sewa Mobil atau Rent Car, hal yang perlu diperhatikan perihal sewa-menyewa Mobil di Jakarta adalah sebagai berikut:

Sesuaikan Jenis Mobil Sesuai Kebutuhan
Ketika akan memilih jenis mobil, pastikan terlebih dahulu berapa jumlah orang yang akan ikut dalam rombongan perjalanan mudik. jika dalam jumlah kecil cukup memilih jenis mobil yang relatif kecil atau Low Multi Purpose Vehicle (MPV). mengantisipasi kemungkinan terjadi kemacetan lau lintas, tentunya mobil kecil akan lebih menghemat pengeluaran. Biasanya mobil ukuran kecil harga sewanya juga lebih murah. Selain itu, sesuaikan juga antara jenis mobil dengan tipe jalan yang akan dilalui

Bandingkan Harga dengan Perusahaan Sewa Mobil Lain
Banyak sekali perusahaan penyedia jasa rental car di Jakarta. Untuk memperoleh harga yang cocok, akan lebih baik jika Anda melakukan perbandingan harga ke beberapa perusahaan rental car. Ingat, jangan mudah tergiur dengan promosi harga murah tanpa mengecek fasilitas dan bagus tidaknya kondisi mobil.

Pelajari Perjanjian Sewa Mobil secara Seksama
Bila telah mendapatkan jenis mobil dan harga sewa sesuai keinginan, hal selanjutnya yang perlu dilakukan adalah mempelajari secara teliti perjanjian-perjanjian yang menyangkut hak dan kewajiban penyewa dari perusahaan Sewa Mobil tesebut.

Tanyakan secara langsung sekiranya ada perjanjian yang janggal atau tidak anda mengerti. Hal ini untuk menghindari jebakan atau cara curang yang biasanya dilakukan oleh oknum pengusaha nakal untuk mengeruk keuntungan besar.

Berikut beberapa hal yang bisa Anda tanyakan atau cek sebelum membawa mobil keluar dari perusahaan Sewa Mobil.

* Kondisi bahan bakar sebelum mobil anda gunakan dan setelah dikembalikan ke perusahaan. Karena biasanya perusahaan mensyaratkan kondisi bahan bakar di saat mobil dikembalikan harus seperti pada saat anda mengambilnya. Sebagaian besar kendaraan Mobil berbahan bakar bensin, bensin perliter sekarang adalah Rp. 4500.
* Bagaimana jika terjadi keterlambatan pengembalian mobil. Tanyakan secara detail agar tidak kecewa nantinya.

Tanyakan Manfaat Asuransi
Biasanya perusahaan Sewa Mobil juga menerapkan biaya premi asuransi. Tanyakan jenis asuransi, manfaat yang diperoleh, serta cakupan perlindungan untuk siapa saja.

Hal ini untuk mengantisipasi bila terjadi hal/resiko yang tidak kita inginkan. Bahasa dan kalimat di dalam perjanjian asuransi biasanya sukar dimengerti sehingga sering menimbulkan salah tafsir.

Cek Kondisi Fisik Mobil
Kondisi fisik mobil sangat penting, terutama dari segi kelancaran dan keselamatan. Oleh karena itu, pilihlah mobil yang umurnya masih muda maksimal sekitar enam tahun. Karena mobil dengan usia tersebut masih relatif stabil dan prima. Lakukan juga pengecekan kondisi ban, dan mesin dengan menghidupkan mesin mobil. Cek juga fasilitas penunjang kenyamanan mobil seperti AC, audio dan lain-lain.

Bila lampu meredup di tengah-tengah mesin menyala berarti ada ketidakberesan di sistem kelistrikan. Hindari mobil itu karena berpotensi mogok di jalan. Begitu juga dengan mesin, bila dihidupkan dalam beberapa menit tersengal-sengal berarti mesin mobil tersebut sudah tidak sehat.

Jangan lupa, cobalah mobil terlebih dahulu dengan seizin petugas dari perusahaan untuk mengetahui stabil tidaknya saat mobil dikemudikan. Cara itu juga untuk memastikan kondisi suspensi dan kaki-kaki mobil.

Minta Nomor Telepon Sewa Mobil
Mintalah nomor telepon perusahaan Sewa Mobil yang bisa dihubungi setiap waktu untuk mengantisipasi bila terjadi hal yang tidak diinginkan di jalan berkaitan dengan mobil yang Anda sewa.

Itu sedikit tips Sewa Mobil di perusahaan rental car saat mudik lebaran. Semoga tips ini bisa membantu Anda dalam melakukan perjalanan mudik dengan nyaman, aman dan tenang.

Selain tips-tips Sewa Mobil Bekasi diatas, masih ada beberapa hal yang harus Anda perhatikan, antara lain:

1. Anda wajib memiliki dan membawa surat izin mengemudi (SIM).
2. Sabuk pengaman Mobil mutlak dipakai dalam berkendaraan, dan berkendaraan selalu di lajur kiri dan taati peraturan lalu-lintas.
3. Jika Anda menggunakan jasa sopir, pastikan anda meminta ditemani Driver yang mempunyaiPerformance baik.

Demikian tips sewa mobil murah Bekasi, semoga bermanfaat…!!!

Pemerintah Inggris menghormati integritas wilayah Indonesia dan tidak mendukung desakan untuk memerdekaan Papua. Duta Besar Inggris untuk Indonesia, Mark Canning, menegaskan hal itu seusai dipanggil Menteri Luar Negeri, Marty Natalegawa, di Jakarta, Senin (6/5).

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com - Pemerintah Inggris menghormati integritas wilayah Indonesia dan tidak mendukung desakan untuk memerdekaan Papua. Duta Besar Inggris untuk Indonesia, Mark Canning, menegaskan hal itu seusai dipanggil Menteri Luar Negeri, Marty Natalegawa, di Jakarta, Senin (6/5).

"Hari ini saya dipanggil untuk bertemu dengan Menteri Luar Negeri Indonesia, Bapak Marty Natalegawa. Bapak Menteri menyampaikan secara jelas tentang keprihatinan yang mendalam dari Pemerintah Indonesia menyusul pembukaan kantor Free West Papua di Oxford," kata Canning dalam pernyataan di Facebook kantor Kedutaan Inggris untuk Indonesia.

Menyusul pembukaan kantor Free West Papua di Oxford yang disetujui dewan kota, pemerintah Indonesia telah menyatakan protes dan kecaman. Namun Canning menegaskan, pandangan Dewan Kota Oxford, terutama visi Benny Wenda, warga Papua yang bermukim di Inggris, tidak mewakili pandangan Inggris sebagai negara.

"Saya menjelaskan kepada Bapak Menteri bahwa kami sangat memahami kesensitifan isu ini bagi Indonesia. Posisi pemerintah Inggris dalam isu ini sudah cukup jelas. Kami menghormati integritas wilayah Indonesia dan kami tidak mendukung seruan-seruan untuk memerdekakan Papua. Kami menghargai Papua sebagai bagian dari Indonesia dan hal ini sudah menjadi pandangan kami. Perkembangan terakhir (tentang dibukanya kantor Free West Papua di Oxford), yang sama sekali tidak ada hubungannya dengan pemerintah Inggris, tidak mengubah pandangan kami (terhadap Papua sebagai bagian dari Indonesia)." kata Canning dalam pernyataan itu.

Pemerintah Inggris, kata dia, justru mendukung usaha-usaha yang dilakukan pemerintah Indonesia, seperti upaya yang dilakukan Unit Kerja Presiden Bidang Pengawasan dan Pengendalian Pembangunan (UKP4) yang berusaha mengatasi masalah-masalah di Papua.

Dalam pernyataan pada Sabtu lalu, Canning, mengatakan bahwa Dewan Kota Oxford seperti halnya dewan-dewan lainnya di Inggris bebas mendukung tujuan apa pun yang mereka inginkan. Namun, dewan-dewan kota itu bukan bagian dari pemerintah. "Segala bentuk tindakan mereka tidak ada hubungannya dengan Pemerintah Inggris," katanya.

Menteri Luar Negeri Marty Natalegawa, Sabtu malam, mengatakan bahwa Indonesia akan menyampaikan protes keras kepada Inggris, sekaligus meminta penjelasan resmi terkait insiden pembukaan kantor Free West Papua di Oxford itu. "Kami memprotes keras dan sangat berkeberatan dengan itu. Duta Besar kita di Inggris juga sudah sampaikan itu. Apa yang terjadi sangat bertolak belakang dengan pernyataan komitmen mereka selama ini, dan tentunya juga bertentangan dengan posisi masyarakat internasional atas integritas dan kedaulatan wilayah RI," kata Marty.

 
Sumber: Kompas.com
Editor :Maulana Lee

saco-indonesia.com, Pesepak Bola dari Brazil Neymar memiliki kecepatan lari yang cukup tinggi.

BARCELONA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Pesepak bola dari Brazil Neymar memiliki kecepatan lari yang cukup tinggi. Dia bisa mencapai kecepatan 34,7 kilometer per jam. Selain jago gocek, kelebihan ini bisa membuat Barcelona semakin tajam dan berbahaya.

Neymar selama ini sering dianggap sebagai "pemain terhormat" di Santos. Sebab, ia memerlukan perlakuan khusus pada fisik. Bahkan, yang menggambarkan dia sebagai "pemain terhormat" itu adalah ahli fisioterapi Santos, Luis Fernando de Barros, setelah melihat statistiknya.

Neymar diperlakukan secara hati-hati oleh Fernando. Demikian juga ahli fisioterapi timnas Brasil, Jose Luiz Runco, yang memperlakukannya dengan hati-hati. Ini untuk memastikan agar dia dalam kondisi fisik yang prima. Sebab, fisiknya memang agak spesifik.

Neymar memiliki tinggi 174 sentimeter. Namun, bobotnya hanya 60 kilogram. Oleh karenanya, jika tak diperlakukan secara hati-hati, dia rentan terkena cedera.

"Neymar fiber murni dan genetik. Dia benar-benar pemain terhormat," kata Fernando kepada surat kabar Spanyol, El Mundo Deportivo.

Sejak 2009, pemain 21 tahun itu sudah bermain di 277 pertandingan, baik untuk Santos maupun timnas Brasil. Dia membutuhkan supervisi medis yang ketat untuk mengurangi risiko cedera karena kondisi fisik bawaannya.

Meski begitu, hal itu tak menghentikannya berkembang sebagai atlet yang eksplosif. Bahkan, ia memiliki kecepatan lari yang termasuk luar biasa, yakni 34,7 kilometer per jam.

Jika dibandingkan, ia hanya kelah sedikit dari pemain bola cepat lainnya. Sejauh ini, pemain tercepat masih dipegang Cristiano Ronaldo dan Thierry Henry dengan catatan 39,2 kilometer per jam. Urutan berikutnya adalah Arjen Robben dengan kecepatan 37,8 kilometer per jam. Adapun pemegang rekor lari sprint, Usain Bolt, memiliki kecepatan 44 kilometer per jam.

Berdasarkan statistik ini, tak heran jika Pelatih Barcelona, Tito Vilanova, merasa bahwa kehadiran Neymar bakal mempertajam serangan timnya. "Dia pemain yang bisa beroperasi di berbagai posisi, tak hanya di sayap. Dia juga bisa bermain di belakang striker. Kami akan memikirkan perannya sebaik mungkin. Dia pemain yang sangat berbakat," puji Vilanova.

Editor : Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas

Makan malam merupakan jam makan yang unik. Di satu sisi banyak orang yang menghindarinya dengan alasan takut gemuk. Namun banyak orang pula yang menganggap makan malam sebagai jam makan yang paling penting sebab mereka dapat memanjakan diri dengan menu makan malam setelah seharian beraktivitas.

Makan malam merupakan jam makan yang unik. Di satu sisi banyak orang yang menghindarinya dengan alasan takut gemuk. Namun banyak orang pula yang menganggap makan malam sebagai jam makan yang paling penting sebab mereka dapat memanjakan diri dengan menu makan malam setelah seharian beraktivitas.

Namun demi alasan kesehatan, pastikan Anda untuk selalu menu makan malam yang tepat yaitu sehat dan mudah dicernan oleh tubuh. Sebab makan malam adalah jam makan yang mendekati waktu tidur, dimana tubuh akan berhenti untuk mencerna makanan selama waktu tidur. Sehingga apabila makanan tidak dicerna dengan baik justru akan menimbulkan kegemukan.

Berikut adalah menu makan malam sehat yang tidak akan membuat tubuh Anda gemuk :

Selada
Mengonsumsi selada juga dapat membantu Anda untuk dapat meningkatkan nafsu makan. Selain itu Anda juga dapat mengonsumsi selada sebanyak apapun tanpa merasa takut gemuk sebab selada memiliki nol kalori.

Sup
Sup terutama sup sayur yang lezat dapat Anda jadikan sebagai menu makan malam. Kandungan sayur dan air di dalamnya dapat membuat tubuh Anda menjadi sehat karena terhidrasi dengan baik.

Daging tanpa lemak
Daging tanpa lemak baik untuk Anda konsumsi di malam hari terutama untuk dapat menurunkan berat badan. Kandungan protein di dalamnya juga baik untuk membangun otot.

Paprika
Paprika adalah jenis sayuran yang kaya akan zat antioksidan namun rendah kalori. Selain itu paprika juga mampu untuk memberi rasa masakan supaya lebih lezat.

Buncis
Buncis yang ditumis dengan bumbu sederhana mampu Anda jadikan sebagai menu makan malam yang lezat dan sehat. Buncis juga kaya akan serat yang baik untuk kesehatan pencernaan.

Tahu
Tahu juga merupakan makanan yang dengan mudah ditemui di olahan masakan Indonesia. Tahu akan mencukupi kebutuhan protein Anda namun tidak akan membuat Anda gemuk.

Keju rendah lemak
Keju mampu membuat rasa masakan menjadi lezat. Namun apabila Anda takut untuk menjadi gemuk, Anda dapat memilih keju rendah lemak namun kaya akan kalsium yang bermanfaat untuk dapat memperkuat tulang Anda.

Ikan bakar
Ikan telah lama dikenal sebagai makanan yang sehat karena kandungan asam lemak omega 3 di dalamnya. Anda juga dapat mengolahnya dengan cara yang sehat seperti dengan dibakar.

Jamur
Jamur adalah makanan yang dapat diolah menjadi menu makan malam yang sehat. Jamur juga kaya akan protein, vitamin D, serta dapat meningkatkan gairah seksual Anda.

Udang
Sama seperti ikan, udang juga merupakan makanan laut yang sehat. udang adalah sumber dari triptofan, suatu zat yang baik untuk meningkatkan kualitas tidur Anda.

saco-indonesia.com, Naiknya harga jengkol di sejumlah daerah hingga menyentuh angka Rp 50.000 per kilogram memicu spekulasi soal pemicunya.

LEBAK, Saco-Indonesia.com — Naiknya harga jengkol di sejumlah daerah hingga menyentuh angka Rp 50.000 per kilogram memicu spekulasi soal pemicunya. Apa kira-kira penyebabnya?

Para pedagang di Pasar Rangkasbitung, Kabupaten Lebak, Banten, misalnya, menduga kenaikan tersebut akibat terjadi kelangkaan di pasaran. Suryani, seorang pedagang sayur-sayuran di Pasar Rangkasbitung mengatakan, sejak tiga pekan terakhir, pasokan jengkol dari petani menghilang.

Menghilangnya pasokan jengkol kemungkinan karena belum memasuki musim panen.

"Karena itu, jika ada jengkol dipastikan harganya melambung hingga mencapai Rp 50.000/kg atau melebihi harga daging ayam sebesar Rp 25.000. Harga normal jengkol bisanya sekitar Rp20 ribu/kg," katanya.

Sementara itu, Soleh, seorang pedagang di Pasar Rangkasbitung, menduga pasokan jengkol dari sejumlah petani di Kabupaten Lebak berkurang karena banyak pohon jengkol ditebang untuk keperluan bangunan perumahan maupun kerajinan rumah tangga.

"Berkurangnya pasokan jengkol itu karena banyak pohon jengkol beralih fungsi menjadi perumahan maupun perkebunan. Sebelumnya, sentra jengkol di Kabupaten Lebak hampir merata di setiap kecamatan," ujarnya.

Ia mengatakan, saat ini, jengkol di Rangkasbitung dipasok dari Provinsi Lampung dan Palembang.

"Kami berharap petani bisa mengembangkan kembali tanaman jengkol karena permintaan pasar cukup tinggi," katanya.

Kepala Pasar Rangkasbitung Dedi Rahmat mengakui selama ini pasokan jengkol di pasaran menghilang sehingga pedagang terpaksa berjualan komoditas lain. Mereka para pedagang jengkol saat ini beralih menjadi pedagang buah-buahan maupun umbi- umbian akibat kelangkaan tersebut.

"Saya kira kelangkaan jengkol ini kali pertama akibat belum tibanya musim panen juga banyak pohon jengkol digunakan untuk pembangunan rumah," katanya.

Sumber : ANT/Kompas.com
Editor :Liwon Maulana(galipat)

saco-indonesia.com, Tips Memilih Perlengkapan Bayi Menyambut detik-detik kelahiran sang buah hati juga merupakan momen yang

saco-indonesia.com,

Tips Memilih Perlengkapan Bayi
Menyambut detik-detik kelahiran sang buah hati juga merupakan momen yang sangat menggembirakan bagi orang tua, khususnya ibu yang akan melahirkan anak pertamanya. Beragam persiapan harus perlu dilakukan. Salah satunya adalah telah memilih perlengkapan bayi.

Berikut ini adalah tips untuk dapat memilih perlengkapan bayi dan kegunaannya:
1. Baju bayi
Pilihlah baju bayi yang telah berbahan katun karena selain lembut, katun juga mampu untuk dapat menyerap keringat dengan baik. Perlu juga menyediakan baju bayi dengan jumlah yang cukup (sesuai kebutuhan) karena baju bayi juga harus sering diganti untuk dapat menjaga kesehatan kulit bayi. Bayi baru lahir biasanya akan sering buang air kecil ataupun pup. Jadi baju bayi maupun popok yang dipakai sering kali basah atau kotor terkena air kencing bayi. Dalam hal membeli baju bayi tidak perlu yang mahal, yang terpenting adalah bayi nyaman memakainya dan telah terbuat dari bahan yang aman dan tidak berbahaya.

2. Sarung tangan bayi
Sarung tangan dan sarung kaki bayi diperlukan untuk dapat menjaga agar bayi tidak kedinginan. Selain itu juga menjaga agar kuku tangan bayi yang sudah panjang tidak melukai tubuh bayi. Disarankan dalam memilih sarung tangan bayi adalah sarung tangan bayi yang berbahan lembut dan tidak ketat untuk dapat menjaga kuku dan jari bayi.

3. Gendongan bayi
Menggendong bayi bisa dilakukan saat bayi sudah berusia beberapa bulan atau bayi sudah bisa menahan kepalanya sendiri. Aktifitas menggendong bayi juga akan sering dialami pada semua orang tua yang telah memiliki bayi. Jadi dalam menggendong bayi diperukan gendongan bayi yang berkualitas dan nyaman dipakai. Pilihlah gendongan bayi yang tidak membuat penggendong merasa nyeri dan memiliki bahan kain yang mampu menyerap panas bayi dan telah memiliki sirkulasi yang baik.

4. Perlak bayi
Perlak dapat digunakan sebagai lapisan tidur bayi sehingga kasur tidak akan basah atau kotor.

5. Kelambu/ kojong bayi
Pilihlah kelambu yang lebih panjang dari tempat tidur bayi dan usahakan kelambu selalu terpasang. Selain dapat melindungi dari nyamuk dan serangga lain, kelambu juga dapat ikut menjaga bayi untuk tidak kedinginan.

6. Popok
Popok bayi adalah perlengkapan yang wajib dimiliki pada setiap orang tua yang baru melahirkan bayi. Hal terpenting yang harus diperhatikan dalam hal memilih popok bayi adalah bahannya yang aman, kepraktisan dalam pemakaian, dan daya serap popok. Pemilihan popok yang baik akan dapat mengurangi resiko ruam kulit pada bayi. Bunda juga bisa memilih popok kain untuk si bayi. Popok kain murah banyak dijual di toko bayi baik offline maupun online.

Demikian beberapa tips sederhana memilih perlengkapan bayi. Semoga bermanfaat


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Pengumuman hasil UNAS ujian SMA/SMK/SMP/SD 2013 Hasil UN UAN UNAS 2013 merupakan sesuata yang sangat ditunggu oleh ratusan pelajar di seluruh Indonesia. Pengumuman ujian SMA/SMK banyak dicari2 khususnya untuk para pelajar yang antusias dengan nilai ujian mereka. Menteri Pendidikan, M. Nuh memberikan konfirmasi tentang pengumuman ujian nasional bahwasanya tanggal pengumuman ujian akan diumumkan menurut jadwal yang sudah ditentukan meskipun kemarin sempat terjadi penggeseran akibat penundaan jadwal unas.

Pengumuman hasil UNAS ujian SMA/SMK/SMP/SD 2013

 

 

Hasil UN UAN UNAS 2013 merupakan sesuata yang sangat ditunggu oleh ratusan pelajar di seluruh Indonesia. Pengumuman ujian SMA/SMK banyak dicari2 khususnya untuk para pelajar yang antusias dengan nilai ujian mereka.

Menteri Pendidikan, M. Nuh memberikan konfirmasi tentang pengumuman ujian nasional bahwasanya tanggal pengumuman ujian akan diumumkan menurut jadwal yang sudah ditentukan meskipun kemarin sempat terjadi penggeseran akibat penundaan jadwal unas.

 


Berikut ini berita dan info jadwal pengumuman ujian nasional 2013 yang sudah ditetapkan.

Pengumuman UN SMA/SMK

Untuk hasil UNAS SMA/SMK sederajat akan diumumkan pada tanggal 24 Mei 2013. Keputusan tersebut sudah ditetapkan oleh Menteri Pendidikan dan sudah tidak dapat berubah. Alasan tersebut diungkapkan karena sudah disesuaikan dengan jadwal penerimaan siswa baru/SNMPTN 2013.

Pengumuman UNAS SMP/MTS

Sedangkan hasil UN SMP/MTS sederajat akan dilakukan bersamaan dengan kerjar peket B yakni pada tanggal 1 Juni 2013. Hasil tersbut juga sudah ditetapkan oleh Menteri kita.

Pengumuman UN SD/MI

Dan yang terakhir untuk tingkat SD/MI/SDLB hasil pengumuman UN 2013 dilakukan pada tanggal 8 Juni 2013.

Dengan hasil ujian 2013 di atas semoga adik-adik lulus dengan nilai yang memuaskan dan diterima di jenjang sekolah yang diinginkan.

Sekian info pendidikan dari kami, semoga bermanfaat - Pengumuman hasil UNAS ujian SMA/SMK/SMP/SD 2013

Kami Dealer Isuzu melayani penjualan: Bekasi, Karawang, Cikarang dan Luar Daerah. Kami adalah distributor dan dealer resmi m

Kami Dealer Isuzu melayani penjualan: Bekasi, Karawang, Cikarang dan Luar Daerah. Kami adalah distributor dan dealer resmi mobil dan truk Isuzu terbesar di Indonesia, IAMI Astra Grup, menjual kendaraan merk Isuzu semua tipe Truk Elf & ELF Microbus, Truk Isuzu GIGA/ Medium Truk, Minibus Panther, Pick Up, Bison, dan D-Max,dengan layanan purna jual terbaik,Program Astra World, harga kompetitif, pembelian cash dan kredit dengan uang muka & angsuran ringan, semua model dan tipe karoseri.Kami juga menjual kendaraan Isuzu niaga untuk transportasi dan distribusi angkutan barang ( Comercial Vehicle ) dengan harga kompetitif

saco-indonesia.com, Jasa Pengiriman Barang - Ketepatan waktu hantaran adalah salah satu hal yang sangat paling krusial dalam

saco-indonesia.com,

Jasa Pengiriman Barang - Ketepatan waktu hantaran adalah salah satu hal yang sangat paling krusial dalam memilih jasa kargo. Ketepatan waktu juga sangat dipengaruhi oleh modal transportasinya. Urutan transportasi terbaik telah berdasarkan ketepatan waktu adalah sebagai berikut :

Transportasi via udara atau pesawat terbang adalah perusahaan jasa kargo yang telah mengkhususkan diri untuk dapat memberikan service pengiriman lewat pesawat terbang. Ketepatan waktu jenis layanan ini juga cukup bisa diandalkan, kecuali pada momen momen liburan seperti Lebaran, Tahun Baru dan Natal. Karena pada situasi peak season seperti itu, biasanya airlines overload, sehingga dapat mengurangi performa service cargo. Moda transportasi jenis ini tarif pengirimannya paling mahal.

Transportasi via kereta express adalah perusahaan jasa kargo yang telah mengkhususkan diri untuk dapat memberikan service pengiriman lewat kereta express (kereta Argo Anggrek dan Kereta Express Bima). Kedua kereta tersebut sebenarnya adalah kereta penumpang express, yang telah dilengkapi dengan satu gerbong barang di belakang. Ketepatan waktu jenis layanan ini juga cukup bagus, karena ketepatan jadwal kereta express selama ini bisa diandalkan. Kelemahan dari layanan ini adalah ababila ada kecelakaan kereta, sehingga bisa dipastikan akan ada keterlambatan barang.

Transportasi via Kereta Parcel (kereta barang). Bedanya dengan kereta express adalah, bahwa kereta ini sama sekali tidak ada gerbong penumpang. Jadi, seluruh gerbongnya adalah gerbong barang. Kendalanya hampir mirip dengan kereta express.

Transportasi via truk, sering disebut sebagai trucking. Yaitu suatu jasa kargo yang telah memanfaatkan jasa truk untuk proses pengiriman barang. Kargo jenis ini performa ketepatan waktu kurang bagus, karena sangat tergantung oleh man power (sopir), armada truk, dan kepadatan di jalan raya.

Transportasi via kapal cargo adalah transportasi dengan menggunakan jasa kapal kargo atau sering disebut menggunakan kontainer. Performa tentang kecepatan dan ketepatan waktu adalah paling rendah. Walaupun begitu moda transportasi ini tidak memiliki tarif jasa pengiriman barang paling murah, jika dibandingkan dengan ke empat moda transportasi di atas.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

Though Robin and Joan Rolfs owned two rare talking dolls manufactured by Thomas Edison’s phonograph company in 1890, they did not dare play the wax cylinder records tucked inside each one.

The Rolfses, longtime collectors of Edison phonographs, knew that if they turned the cranks on the dolls’ backs, the steel phonograph needle might damage or destroy the grooves of the hollow, ring-shaped cylinder. And so for years, the dolls sat side by side inside a display cabinet, bearers of a message from the dawn of sound recording that nobody could hear.

In 1890, Edison’s dolls were a flop; production lasted only six weeks. Children found them difficult to operate and more scary than cuddly. The recordings inside, which featured snippets of nursery rhymes, wore out quickly.

Yet sound historians say the cylinders were the first entertainment records ever made, and the young girls hired to recite the rhymes were the world’s first recording artists.

Year after year, the Rolfses asked experts if there might be a safe way to play the recordings. Then a government laboratory developed a method to play fragile records without touching them.

Audio

The technique relies on a microscope to create images of the grooves in exquisite detail. A computer approximates — with great accuracy — the sounds that would have been created by a needle moving through those grooves.

In 2014, the technology was made available for the first time outside the laboratory.

“The fear all along is that we don’t want to damage these records. We don’t want to put a stylus on them,” said Jerry Fabris, the curator of the Thomas Edison Historical Park in West Orange, N.J. “Now we have the technology to play them safely.”

Last month, the Historical Park posted online three never-before-heard Edison doll recordings, including the two from the Rolfses’ collection. “There are probably more out there, and we’re hoping people will now get them digitized,” Mr. Fabris said.

The technology, which is known as Irene (Image, Reconstruct, Erase Noise, Etc.), was developed by the particle physicist Carl Haber and the engineer Earl Cornell at Lawrence Berkeley. Irene extracts sound from cylinder and disk records. It can also reconstruct audio from recordings so badly damaged they were deemed unplayable.

“We are now hearing sounds from history that I did not expect to hear in my lifetime,” Mr. Fabris said.

The Rolfses said they were not sure what to expect in August when they carefully packed their two Edison doll cylinders, still attached to their motors, and drove from their home in Hortonville, Wis., to the National Document Conservation Center in Andover, Mass. The center had recently acquired Irene technology.

Audio

Cylinders carry sound in a spiral groove cut by a phonograph recording needle that vibrates up and down, creating a surface made of tiny hills and valleys. In the Irene set-up, a microscope perched above the shaft takes thousands of high-resolution images of small sections of the grooves.

Stitched together, the images provide a topographic map of the cylinder’s surface, charting changes in depth as small as one five-hundredth the thickness of a human hair. Pitch, volume and timbre are all encoded in the hills and valleys and the speed at which the record is played.

At the conservation center, the preservation specialist Mason Vander Lugt attached one of the cylinders to the end of a rotating shaft. Huddled around a computer screen, the Rolfses first saw the wiggly waveform generated by Irene. Then came the digital audio. The words were at first indistinct, but as Mr. Lugt filtered out more of the noise, the rhyme became clearer.

“That was the Eureka moment,” Mr. Rolfs said.

In 1890, a girl in Edison’s laboratory had recited:

There was a little girl,

And she had a little curl

Audio

Right in the middle of her forehead.

When she was good,

She was very, very good.

But when she was bad, she was horrid.

Recently, the conservation center turned up another surprise.

In 2010, the Woody Guthrie Foundation received 18 oversize phonograph disks from an anonymous donor. No one knew if any of the dirt-stained recordings featured Guthrie, but Tiffany Colannino, then the foundation’s archivist, had stored them unplayed until she heard about Irene.

Last fall, the center extracted audio from one of the records, labeled “Jam Session 9” and emailed the digital file to Ms. Colannino.

“I was just sitting in my dining room, and the next thing I know, I’m hearing Woody,” she said. In between solo performances of “Ladies Auxiliary,” “Jesus Christ,” and “Dead or Alive,” Guthrie tells jokes, offers some back story, and makes the audience laugh. “It is quintessential Guthrie,” Ms. Colannino said.

The Rolfses’ dolls are back in the display cabinet in Wisconsin. But with audio stored on several computers, they now have a permanent voice.

Photo
 
United’s first-class and business fliers get Rhapsody, its high-minded in-flight magazine, seen here at its office in Brooklyn. Credit Sam Hodgson for The New York Times

Last summer at a writers’ workshop in Oregon, the novelists Anthony Doerr, Karen Russell and Elissa Schappell were chatting over cocktails when they realized they had all published work in the same magazine. It wasn’t one of the usual literary outlets, like Tin House, The Paris Review or The New Yorker. It was Rhapsody, an in-flight magazine for United Airlines.

It seemed like a weird coincidence. Then again, considering Rhapsody’s growing roster of A-list fiction writers, maybe not. Since its first issue hit plane cabins a year and a half ago, Rhapsody has published original works by literary stars like Joyce Carol Oates, Rick Moody, Amy Bloom, Emma Straub and Mr. Doerr, who won the Pulitzer Prize for fiction two weeks ago.

As airlines try to distinguish their high-end service with luxuries like private sleeping chambers, showers, butler service and meals from five-star chefs, United Airlines is offering a loftier, more cerebral amenity to its first-class and business-class passengers: elegant prose by prominent novelists. There are no airport maps or disheartening lists of in-flight meal and entertainment options in Rhapsody. Instead, the magazine has published ruminative first-person travel accounts, cultural dispatches and probing essays about flight by more than 30 literary fiction writers.

 

Photo
 
Sean Manning, executive editor of Rhapsody, which publishes works by the likes of Joyce Carol Oates, Amy Bloom and Anthony Doerr, who won a Pulitzer Prize. Credit Sam Hodgson for The New York Times

 

An airline might seem like an odd literary patron. But as publishers and writers look for new ways to reach readers in a shaky retail climate, many have formed corporate alliances with transit companies, including American Airlines, JetBlue and Amtrak, that provide a captive audience.

Mark Krolick, United Airlines’ managing director of marketing and product development, said the quality of the writing in Rhapsody brings a patina of sophistication to its first-class service, along with other opulent touches like mood lighting, soft music and a branded scent.

“The high-end leisure or business-class traveler has higher expectations, even in the entertainment we provide,” he said.

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Some of Rhapsody’s contributing writers say they were lured by the promise of free airfare and luxury accommodations provided by United, as well as exposure to an elite audience of some two million first-class and business-class travelers.

“It’s not your normal Park Slope Community Bookstore types who read Rhapsody,” Mr. Moody, author of the 1994 novel “The Ice Storm,” who wrote an introspective, philosophical piece about traveling to the Aran Islands of Ireland for Rhapsody, said in an email. “I’m not sure I myself am in that Rhapsody demographic, but I would like them to buy my books one day.”

In addition to offering travel perks, the magazine pays well and gives writers freedom, within reason, to choose their subject matter and write with style. Certain genres of flight stories are off limits, naturally: no plane crashes or woeful tales of lost luggage or rude flight attendants, and nothing too risqué.

“We’re not going to have someone write about joining the mile-high club,” said Jordan Heller, the editor in chief of Rhapsody. “Despite those restrictions, we’ve managed to come up with a lot of high-minded literary content.”

Guiding writers toward the right idea occasionally requires some gentle prodding. When Rhapsody’s executive editor asked Ms. Russell to contribute an essay about a memorable flight experience, she first pitched a story about the time she was chaperoning a group of teenagers on a trip to Europe, and their delayed plane sat at the airport in New York for several hours while other passengers got progressively drunker.

“He pointed out that disaster flights are not what people want to read about when they’re in transit, and very diplomatically suggested that maybe people want to read something that casts air travel in a more positive light,” said Ms. Russell, whose novel “Swamplandia!” was a finalist for the 2012 Pulitzer Prize.

She turned in a nostalgia-tinged essay about her first flight on a trip to Disney World when she was 6. “The Magic Kingdom was an anticlimax,” she wrote. “What ride could compare to that first flight?”

Ms. Oates also wrote about her first flight, in a tiny yellow propeller plane piloted by her father. The novelist Joyce Maynard told of the constant disappointment of never seeing her books in airport bookstores and the thrill of finally spotting a fellow plane passenger reading her novel “Labor Day.” Emily St. John Mandel, who was a finalist for the National Book Award in fiction last year, wrote about agonizing over which books to bring on a long flight.

“There’s nobody that’s looked down their noses at us as an in-flight magazine,” said Sean Manning, the magazine’s executive editor. “As big as these people are in the literary world, there’s still this untapped audience for them of luxury travelers.”

United is one of a handful of companies showcasing work by literary writers as a way to elevate their brands and engage customers. Chipotle has printed original work from writers like Toni Morrison, Jeffrey Eugenides and Barbara Kingsolver on its disposable cups and paper bags. The eyeglass company Warby Parker hosts parties for authors and sells books from 14 independent publishers in its stores.

JetBlue offers around 40 e-books from HarperCollins and Penguin Random House on its free wireless network, allowing passengers to read free samples and buy and download books. JetBlue will start offering 11 digital titles from Simon & Schuster soon. Amtrak recently forged an alliance with Penguin Random House to provide free digital samples from 28 popular titles, which passengers can buy and download over Amtrak’s admittedly spotty wireless service.

Amtrak is becoming an incubator for literary talent in its own right. Last year, it started a residency program, offering writers a free long-distance train trip and complimentary food. More than 16,000 writers applied and 24 made the cut.

Like Amtrak, Rhapsody has found that writers are eager to get onboard. On a rainy spring afternoon, Rhapsody’s editorial staff sat around a conference table discussing the June issue, which will feature an essay by the novelist Hannah Pittard and an unpublished short story by the late Elmore Leonard.

“Do you have that photo of Elmore Leonard? Can I see it?” Mr. Heller, the editor in chief, asked Rhapsody’s design director, Christos Hannides. Mr. Hannides slid it across the table and noted that they also had a photograph of cowboy spurs. “It’s very simple; it won’t take away from the literature,” he said.

Rhapsody’s office, an open space with exposed pipes and a vaulted brick ceiling, sits in Dumbo at the epicenter of literary Brooklyn, in the same converted tea warehouse as the literary journal N+1 and the digital publisher Atavist. Two of the magazine’s seven staff members hold graduate degrees in creative writing. Mr. Manning, the executive editor, has published a memoir and edited five literary anthologies.

Mr. Manning said Rhapsody was conceived from the start as a place for literary novelists to write with voice and style, and nobody had been put off that their work would live in plane cabins and airport lounges.

Still, some contributors say they wish the magazine were more widely circulated.

“I would love it if I could read it,” said Ms. Schappell, a Brooklyn-based novelist who wrote a feature story for Rhapsody’s inaugural issue. “But I never fly first class.”

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

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Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

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The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

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The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 

The 2015 Met Gala has only officially begun, but there's a clear leader in the race for best couple, no small feat at an event that threatens to sap Hollywood of every celebrity it has for the duration of an East Coast evening.

That would be Marc Jacobs and his surprise guest (who, by some miracle, remained under wraps until their red carpet debut), Cher.

“This has been a dream of mine for a very, very long time,” Mr. Jacobs said.

It is Cher's first appearance at the Met Gala since 1997, when she arrived on the arm of Donatella Versace.

– MATTHEW SCHNEIER

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”